tHF'.-- 


THE    NARRATIVE 


OP 


ROBERT  I  ADAMS. 

AN    AMERICAN    SAILOR. 

WHO    WAS    WRECKED    ON    THE 

WESTERN    CO*ST    OF    AFRICA. 

IN  THE  YEAR  1810; 

WAS   DETAINED   THREE    FEARS    IN   SLAVERY    BY 

THE  ARABS  OF  THE  GREAT  DESERT, 

AND   RESIDED    SEVERAL    MONTHS    IN   THE    CITY    OF 

TOMBUCTOO. 


WITH  A  MAP,  NOTES,    AND  AN  APPENDIX 


BOSTON  : 

PCBLISHED   BY   WELLS   AND   LILLY SOLD   BY    M.   CAREY    AND   SON. 

PHILADELPHIA. 
»♦«♦♦» 

i8ir. 


T)T35G 


TO    THE 

COMMITTEE  OF  THE  COMPANY  OF  MERCHANTS 
TRADING  TO  AFRICA. 

Gentlemen, 

I  beg  leave  to  present  to  you  the  Nar- 
rative of  the  Sailor,  Robert  Adams,  in  the 
form  which  1  conceive  will  be  most  interest- 
ing to  you  and  to  the  publick,  and  most  use- 
ful to  the  poor  man  himself,  for  whose  benefit 
it  has  been  committed  to  the  press. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
Gentlemen, 

your  faithful  and  obedient  Servant, 

S.  COCK. 

African  Office,  April  30th,  1816, 


t 


CONTENTS. 


Introductory  Details  respecting  Adams. ...Discovered  in  London.... 
examined  by  the  African  Committee  respecting  his  travels  in  Africa 
....his  answers  satisfactory. ...Notes  of  his  story  laid  before  the 
African  Committee...  Their  belief  in  its  truth  ...Mode  of  interrogat- 
ing Adams His  method   of  reckoning  bearings,   distances,    and 

rate  of  travelling,  through  the  Desert. ...Examined  by  several  Mem- 
bers of  the  Government.... Receives  a  Gratuity  from  the  Lords 
of  the  Treasury.. ..Sir  Willoughby  Gordon's  opinion  of  his  state- 
ments  page  ix— xvi 

Reasons  for  publishing  the  following  Narrative. ...Departure   of  Adams 

for  America Arrival  in    England   of  Mr.    Dupuis,   British   Vice 

Consul  at  Mogadore His  confirmation  of  the    whole  of  Adams's 

story  in  a  Letter  to  the  Editor,  with  other  interesting  parti- 
culars relating  to  him  on  his  arrival  and  during  his  stay  at  Moga- 
dore  p.  xvi — xxii 

Advertisement  to  the  Map.. ..Explanations  respecting  the  data  on 
which  the  Map  is  constructed Information  on  the  route,   and  na- 
ture of  the  country,  between  Haoussa  and   Lagos   on  the  Coast  of 
the  Bight  of  Benin. ...Probability  of  Europeans  being  able  to  pene- 
trate from  Lagos  in  the  direction  of  the  Niger p.  xxiv — xxviii 


NARRATIVE. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Departure  from  New  York  on  board  the  "Charles" Names  of  the 

Crew.. ..Arrival  at  Gibraltar.. ..Voyage  to  the  Isle  of  Mayo.. ..Igno- 
rance of  the  Captain.. ..The  ship  is  wrecked  on  the4  Western  coast  of 
Africa.. ..The  Crew  saved, but  are  enslaved  by  the  Moors. ...El  Gazie... 
Description  of  the  Moors,  and  their  proceed  n«;s... .French  Renegade 
...Sufferings  of  the  Crew.. ..Death  of  Captain  Horton.... Separation 


CONTENTS. 

of  the  Crew,  and  departure  of  the  Moors  from  El  Gazie.... Adams  iv 
conveyed  eastward  into  the  Desert.... Mode  of  travelling..  ..Arrival  at 
the  encampment  of  the  Moors. ...Employment  there.. ..Expedition  to 
steal  Negro  Slaves  at  Soudenny. ...Sufferings  in  traversing  the  De- 
sert....Arrival  near  Soudenny.... The  Moors  seize  a  Woman  and  two 
Children  ;  are  themselves  surprized  by  the  Negroes,  taken  prison- 
ers, and  confined  in  the  town. ...Soudenny,  and  its  inhabitants.. ..The 
prisoners  are  conveyed  by  a  party  of  armed  Negroes  to  Tombuctoo 
...  Journey  thither  ;  during  which  fourteen  of  the  Moors  are  put 
to  death. ...Arrival  at  Tombuctoo p.  29 

CHAPTER    II. 

Imprisonment  of  the  Moors  at  Tombuctoo.  ..Adams  an  object  of  cu- 
riosity, and  kindly  treated. ...King  and  Queen;  Woollo  and  Fatima 
....Their  Dress,  Ceremonies,  Residence,  and  Attendants.. ..Muskets 
....Curiosity  of  the  Natives  to  see  Adams. ...Tombuctoo. ...La  Mar 
Zarah Canoes. ...Fish Fruits. ...Vegetables Grain. ...Food  pre- 
pared from  the  Guinea  corn. ...Animals. ...Heirie. ...Elephant  hunt.... 
Birds:  Ostriches. ...Sulphur.. ..Poisonous  preparation  of  the  Negroes 
for  their  Arrows. ...Persons  and  Habits  of  the  Negroes. ...Incisions  in 
their  Faces Dress Ornaments,  and  Customs Musical  Instru- 
ments....Dancing. ...Military  Excursions  against  Bambarra. ...Slaves 
....Criminal  Punishments. ...Articles  of  Trade. ...Jealous  precautions 
of  the  Negroes  against  the  Moors ;  their  kindness  to  Adams.... 
Rain.. ..Names  of  Countries... .Words  in  the  Language  of  Tombuc- 
too   p.  40 


CHAPTER  III. 

Ransom  of  the  imprisoned  Moors  and  of  Adams. ...Departure  from 
Tombuctoo. ...Journey  eastward  along  the  River  ;  then  northward 
to  Taudeny.... Traders  in  salt. ...Taudeny... .Mixed  Population  of 
Moors  and  Negroes.. ..Beds  of  Rock  Salt. ...Preparations  and  De- 
parture to  cross  the  Sandy  Desert.... Sufferings  in  the  Desert.... 
Arrival  at  Woled  D'leim.... Employment,  and  long  detention  there.... 
Refusal  of  Adams  to  attend  to  his  tasks.... He  is  punished  for  it ; 
but  perseveres.. ..Seizes  an  opportunity  of  escaping. ...Is  pursued  ;  but 
reaches  El  Kabla  ...He  is  purchased  by  the  Chief.... Employed  to 
tend  the  flocks  #f  his  Master's  Wives.... Negotiates  with  Aisba,  the 
younger  wife,  on  the  subject  of  Wages....  Their  bargain,  and  its 
consequences. ...Adams  flies  and  conceals  himself.. ..Is  purchased  by  a 


CONTENTS. 

Trader;  and  conveyed  to  Woled  Aboussebab....Woled  Adrialla.... 
Aiata  Mouessa  Ali....He  attempts  to  escape. ...Is  retaken  ;  and  con- 
veyed to  Wed-Noon p.  58 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Description  of  Wed-Noon ;  where  Adams  finds  three  of  the  crew  of 
the  "Charles". ...He  is  purchased  by  Bel-Cossim-Abdallah... .French 
Renegade.... Wreck  of  the  Montezuma.... Gunpowder  Manufacture 
....Curious  Relation  of  a  Negro  Slave  from  Kanno...  .Severe  labours 
and  cruel  treatment  of  the  Christian  Slaves  at  Wed-Noon. ...Adams 
is  required  to  plough  on  the  Sabbath  day  ;  refuses ;  is  cruel iy  beat- 
en, and  put  in  irons. ...His  firmness.. ..Inhuman  treatment  and  death 
of  Dolbie.... Williams  and  Davison,  worn  out  by  their  sufferings,  re- 
nounce their  Keligiou.... Adams  perseveres... .Letter  from  the  Bri- 
tish Vice-Consul  at  Mogadore,  addressed  to  the  Christian  Slaves.... 

Ransom  of  Adams. ...Departure  from  Wed-Noon Akkad;a....Bled 

Cidi  Heshem.-.Marketof  Cidi  Hamet  a  >loussa....Agadeer,  or  Santa 
Cruz.... Mogadore  ...Adams  is  sent  to  the  Moorish  En)peiour...Fez.... 
Mequinez.... Tangier... .Cadiz.. .Gibraltar.. ..Loudon p.  72 

Concluding  Remarks p.   140 — 165 

Notes  and  Illustrations.  El  Gazie.. ..Shipwrecks. ...French  Rene- 
gade....Agadeer  Doma....Soudenny....Woollo  and  Fatima.... Dress  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Tombuctoo,  Houses,  &c....La  Mar  Zarah. ...Ca- 
noes. ...Fruits.. ..Quadrupeds. ...Heiries... .Elephant  huniiug....Alliga- 
tors....Courcoo Wild  Beasts. ...Birds. ...Poisons. ...Polygamy. ...Re- 
ligion  Physicians Sorcery  ....Dancing Bambarra Slaves.... 

Punishments.. ..Shops  and  Trade  at  Tombuctoo Cowries Moors 

Negroes  ....Crossing  the  Desert. ...Joliba  river.. ..Negro  Language 

....Taudeny... .Woled  D'leim....El  Kabla....  Aisha....Wooled  Abous- 
sebah....Kanno... .Christian  Slaves. ...Reckonings  of  Time  and  Dis- 
tance  p.  85—139 

Appendix,  No.  I.  Information  obtained  in  the  year  1764,  respecting 
Tombuctoo,   and  the  course  and  navigation  of  the  Niger.... Park.... 

Major   Rennell. ...Sources  of  the  Senegal  and  Gambia Remarks 

on  the  Rivers  passed  by  Park. ...Kong  mountains.... Expediency  of 
exploring  the  furthest  western  navigation  of  the  Niger.. .p.  167 — 180 

Appendix,  No.  II.  Sketch  of  the  Population  of  Western  Bar- 
bary Berrebbers Arabs Moors Distinguishing  occupa- 
tions  p.  181—193 

Index.... ; , p.  194 


INTRODUCTORY   DETAILS 


RESPECTING 


ROBERT    ADAMS. 


In  the  month  of  October,  1815,  the  Editor  of  the 
following  pages  was  informed  by  a  friend,  that  a 
Gentleman  of  his  acquaintance,  recently  arrived  from 
Cadiz,  had  accidentally  recognised  an  American 
seaman,  in  the  streets  of  London,  whom  he  had 
seen,  only  a  few  months  before,  in  the  service  of  an 
English  merchant  in  Cadiz,  where  his  extraordinary 
history  had  excited  considerable  interest ;  the  man 
having  been  a  long  time  in  slavery  in  the  interiour  of 
Africa,  and  having  resided  several  months  at  Tombuc- 
too. 

Such  a  report  was  too  curious  not  to  have  attract- 
ed the  peculiar  attention  of  the  Editor  at  all  times  ; 
but  the  interest  of  the  story  was  much  heightened  at 
that  particular  moment,  by  the  circumstance  of  the 
recent  embarkation  of  Major  Peddie  and  his  compa- 
nions, to  explore  those  very  parts  of  Africa  which  this 
person  was  said  to  have  visited :  and  the  Editor  en- 
treated'  his  friend  to  assist  him,  by  all  the  means  in 
his  power,  to  find  the  seaman  in  question,  in  order  to 
ascertain,  whether  he  really  had  been  where  it  was 
reported,  and  in  the  hope  that,  either  by  his  infor- 
mation or  his  personal  services,  the  man  might  be 
2 


I 


INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS. 


rendered  useful  to  the  views  of  Government  in  the 
exploratory  expedition  then  on  its  way  to  Africa. 

Through  the  intervention  of  the  Gentleman  who 
had  originally  recognised  the  seaman,  he  was  again 
found,  and  immediately  brought  to  the  office  of  the 
African  Committee.  The  poor  man,  whose  name  was 
Robert  Adams,  was  in  very  ill  plight,  both  from  hun- 
ger and  nakedness.  Scarcely  recovered  from  a  fit 
of  sickness,  he  had,  in  that  condition,  begged  his  way 
from  Holyhead  to  London,  for  the  purpose  of  ob- 
taining, through  the  American  Consul,  a  passage  to 
his  native  country ;  and  he  had  already  passed  seve- 
ral nights  in  the  open  streets  amongst  many  other 
distressed  seamen,  with  whom  the  metropolis  was 
at  that  period  unfortunately  crowded. 

No  time  was  lost  in  questioning  him  respecting  the 
length  of  his  residence  in  Africa,  the  circumstances 
which  led  him  thither,  the  places  he  had  visited,  and 
the  means  by  which  he  had  escaped.  His  answers 
disclosed  so  extraordinary  a  series  of  adventures  and 
sufferings,  as  at  first  to  excite  a  suspicion  that  his 
story  was  an  invention  ;  and  the  gentlemen,  by  whom 
he  was  accompanied  to  the  office,  and  who  were  pre- 
sent at  his  first  examination,  were  decidedly  of  that 
opinion,  when  they  considered  how  widely  his  ac- 
count of  Tombuctoo  differed  from  the  notions  gene- 
rally entertained  of  the  magnificence  of  that  city, 
and  of  the  civilization  of  its  inhabitants.  The  Edi- 
tor, however,  received  from  this  short  examination, 
and  from  the  plain  and  unpretending  answers  which 
the  man  returned  to  every  question,  a  strong  impres- 
sion in  favour  of  his  veracity.  He  accordingly  took 
notes  of  the  leading  facts  of  his  statement,  particu- 
larly of  the  places  he  had  visited,  the  distances  ac- 
cording to  his  computations,  and  the  direction  in 
which  his  several  journeys  lay ;  and  having  relieved 
his  immediate  necessities,  and  furnished  him  with  a 


INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS.  XI 


trifle  for  his  future  subsistence,  he  desired  the   man 
to  attend  him  again  in  the  course  of  a  few  days. 

It  was  nearly  a  week  before  Adams  again  made  his 
appearance :  but  upon  his  return,  being  immediately 
interrogated  upon  all  the  leading  points  of  his  story, 
the  Editor  had  the  gratification  to  find,  upon  com- 
paring his  answers  with  the  account  which  he  had 
given  on  his  first  examination,  that  they  were  in  sub- 
stance the  same,  and  repeated  almost  in  the  same 
terms.  Thus  strengthened  in  his  previous  opinion  that 
the  man's  veracity  was  to  be  depended  upon,  the 
Editor  resolved  to  take  down  in  writing  (the  man 
himself  being  unable  either  to  write  or  read)  a  full 
account  of  his  travels  and  adventures,  from  the  pe- 
riod of  his  departure  from  America  in  the  ship 
"  Charles,"  in  which  he  was  wrecked  on  the  coast  of 
Africa,  until  that  of  his  return  to  Cadiz,  from  whence 
he  had  just  arrived. 

With  this  intention,  the  Editor  took  measures  to 
render  Adams's  situation  more  comfortable,  by  equip- 
ping him  with  decent  clothes,  of  which  he  stood 
peculiarly  in  need.  He  was  also  supplied  with  a  trifle 
in  money,  as  an  earnest  of  the  future  recompense 
which  was  promised  to  him,  provided  he  would  attend 
regularly  every  day  until  the  whole  of  his  story 
should  be  taken  down.  It  was  not,  however,  with- 
out considerable  difficulty  that  the  man  could  be 
persuaded  to  remain  during  the  period  thus  requir- 
ed. He  was  anxious  to  return  to  his  friends,  after 
so  long  and  perilous  an  absence,  and  had  been  re- 
commended, by  the  Consul  of  the  United  States,  to 
join  a  transport  of  American  seamen  which  was  then 
on  the  point  of  sailing.  His  desire  to  be  gone  was 
increased  by  some  rumours  then  in  circulation,  of  a 
probable  renewal  of  hostilities  between  Great  Bri- 
tain and  the  United  States.  But  his  objections  were 
at  length  overcome   on  receiving   an  engagement, 


XU  INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS. 

that  even  if  war  should  break  out,  and  he,  by  any 
accident,  be  impressed,  his  discharge,  either  by  pur- 
chase or  substitute,  should  be  immediately  effected. 
Upon  this  understanding,  he  consented  to  remain  as 
long  as  his  presence  should  be  required. 

The  Editor  has  been  induced  to  enter  into  this  de- 
tail, for  the  satisfaction  of  those  who  might  be  dispos- 
ed to  believe  that  Adams  had  obtruded  his  story 
upon  his  hearers,  for  the  purpose  either  of  exciting 
their  compassion,  or  of  profiting  by  their  credulity. 
To  obviate  such  a  suspicion,  it  is  sufficient  to  shew, 
with  what  difficulty  he  was  induced  to  remain  in  the 
country  to  tell  his  story  ;  and  to  state,  that  he  was 
never  known  to  solicit  relief  from  any  of  the  nume- 
rous gentlemen  by  whom  he  was  seen  and  examined. 

Previous,  however,  to  Adams's  agreement  to  stay, 
a  Committee  of  the  African  Company  having  met, 
the  Editor  laid  before  them  the  notes  he  had  taken 
of  the  heads  of  his  story,  expressing  at  the  same 
time  his  firm  belief  that  the  man  had  really  been  at 
Tombuctoo;  and  he  had  the  satisfaction  to  find  that 
the  Members  of  the  Committee  concurred  in  his 
opinion  of  the  credibility  of  the  man's  statements; 
in  which  belief  they  were  afterwards  confirmed  by 
their  personal  examination  of  him.  They  strongly 
encouraged  the  Editor  to  proceed  in  the  course 
which  he  had  begun;  and  recommended  him  to  omit 
no  practicable  means  of  securing  the  residence  of 
Adams  in  this  country,  until  all  the  information  he 
could  possibly  give,  had  been  obtained  from  him, — 
whether  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  our  general 
knowledge  of  the  interiour  of  Africa,  or  of  obtain- 
ing information  on  particular  points  which  might  be 
useful  to  the  expedition  actually  on  foot. 

After  this  arrangement  was  completed,  Adams  at- 
tended the  Editor  for  a  few  hours  daily  during  the 
following  fortnight  or  three  weeks,  for  the  purpose 


INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS.  Xlll 

of  answering  his  inquiries.  During  these  examina- 
tions upwards  of  fifty  gentlemen  saw  and  interrogat- 
ed him  at  different  times ;  among  whom  there  was 
not  one  who  was  not  struck  with  the  artlessness  and 
good  sense  of  Adams's  replies,  or  who  did  not  feel 
persuaded  that  he  was  relating  simply  the  facts  which 
he  had  seen,  to  the  best  of  his  recollection  and  be- 
lief. 

The  Narrative  now  presented  to  the  publick,  is  the 
fruit  of  these  interrogatories. 

It  is  proper  to  mention  in  this  place,  that  all  the 
information  contained  in  the  Narrative  was  drawn 
from  Adams,  not  as  a  continuous  and  straight-forward 
story,  but  in  answer  to  the.  detached,  and  often  un- 
connected, questions  of  the  Editor,  or  of  any  gentle- 
men who  happened  to  be  present  at  his  examina- 
tions ;  for  he  related  scarcely  any  thing  without  his 
attention  being  directed  to  the  subject  by  a  special 
inquiry.  This  explanation  will  be  necessary,  to  ac- 
count for  the  very  large  portion  of  his  Narrative 
devoted  to  the  description  of  Tombuctoo;  for  it 
might  otherwise  appear  extraordinary  to  some  of 
Adams's  readers,  that  his  details  respecting  a  place 
which  occurs  so  early  in  his  adventures,  and  of 
which  his  recollection  might  be  presumed  to  be 
less  vivid,  should  be  so  much  more  minute  than 
those  respecting  any  other  place  which  he  has  visit- 
ed :  but  the  fact  is,  that  Tombuctoo  being  the  point 
to  which  the  curiosity  and  inquiries  of  all  his  examin- 
ers were  mainly  directed,  his  answers  on  that  subject 
were  thus  swelled  to  the  prominence  which  they  pos- 
sess in  the  Narrative. 

It  has  already  been  stated,  that  the  first  inquiries 
of  the  Editor  related  to  the  places  which  Adams  had 
visited,  and  the  courses  and  distances  of  the  journeys 
between  them.  Having  obtained  these  particulars, 
he  communicated  them  to  a  friend,  who  was  desirous 


XIV  INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS. 

of  examining  their  pretensions  to  accuracy  by  tracing 
them  upon  a  map  of  Africa,  from  the  point  where 
Adams  appears  to  have  been  wrecked.  The  result 
of  this  test,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  Map  prefixed  to 
the  Narrative,  at  the  same  time  that  it  afforded  a 
most  convincing  corroboration  of  the  truth  of  his 
story,  proved  that  the  man  possessed  an  accuracy  of 
observation  and  memory  that  was  quite  astonishing. 

Being  questioned  how  he  came  to  have  so  minute 
a  recollection  of  the  exact  number  of  days  occupied 
in  his  long  journeys  from  place  to  place,  he  answer- 
ed, that  being  obliged  to  travel  almost  naked  under  a 
burning  sun,  he  always  inquired,  before  setting  out 
on  a  journey,  how  long  it  was  expected  to  last.  In 
the  progress  of  it  he  kept  an  exact  account ;  and 
when  it  was  finished,  he  never  failed  to  notice  whe- 
ther it  had  occupied  a  greater  or  lesser  number  of 
days  than  he  had  been  taught  to  expect,  or  whether 
it  had  been  completed  exactly  in  the  stated  time. 

On  asking  him  how  he  could  venture  to  speak  with 
confidence  of  the  precise  number  of  miles  which  he 
travelled  on  each  day ;  he  replied,  that  he  could 
easily  recollect  whether  the  camels  on  any  particular 
journey,  travelled  well  or  ill ;  and  knowing  that  when 
they  are  heavily  laden  and  badly  supplied  with  pro- 
visions, they  will  not  go  more  than  from  ten  to  fif- 
teen miles  a  day;  but  that,  on  the  other  hand,  when 
they  are  fresh  and  lightly  laden,  they  will  travel  from 
eighteen  to  twenty-five  miles  a  day,  he  had  reckoned 
the  length  of  his  journeys  accordingly. 

When  asked  how  he  came  to  observe  so  minutely 
the  directions  in  which  he  travelled  ;  he  replied,  that 
he  always  noticed  in  a  morning  whether  the  sun  rose 
in  his  face,  or  not :  and  that  his  thoughts  being  for- 
ever turned  to  the  consideration  of  how  he  should 
escape,  he  never  omitted  to  remark,  and  as  much  as 
possible  to  impress  on  his  recollection,  the  course  he 


INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS.  XV 

was  travelling,  and  had  travelled,  and  to  make  in- 
quiries on  the  subject.  Being  a  sailor,  he  observed, 
he  had  the  habit  of  noticing  the  course  he  was  steer- 
ing at  sea;  and  therefore  found  no  difficulty  in  doing 
so,  when  traversing  the  Deserts  of  Africa,  which 
looked  like  the  sea  in  a  calm. 

Enough,  it  is  hoped,  has  been  said  to  satisfy  the 
Reader  that  the  Narrative  is  genuine.  But  the  Edi- 
tor, aware  that  it  might  be  difficult  to  obtain  credit 
for  so  extraordinary  a  story,  was  anxious,  that  Adams, 
before  he  left  the  country,  should  be  seen  and  examin- 
ed by  every  gentleman  who  might  wrish  it,  or  whose 
opinions  would  be  most  conclusive  with  the  publick. 
Fortunately  this  wish  was  fully  accomplished :  for 
the  story  having  come  to  the  knowledge  of  Earl  Ba- 
thurst,  the  Right  Honourable  the  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer,  Major  General  Sir  Willoughby  Gordon, 
the  Right  Hon.  Sir  Joseph  Banks,  John  Barrow, 
Esq.*  George  Harrison,  Esq.  Henry  Goulburn,  Esq. 
M.  P.  and  other  members  of  the  Government  who 
interest  themselves  in  African  affairs,  and  they  hav- 
ing expressed  a  desire  to  see  Adams,  he  waited  upon 
them  in  person,  and  the  Narrative  was  at  the  same 
time  transmitted  to  them  for  their  perusal.  It  is  un- 
necessary to  give  stronger  evidence  of  the  general 
impression  derived  from  this  investigation  than  is  af- 
forded by  the  fact,  that  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury 
were  pleased  to  order  to  the  poor  man  a  handsome 
gratuity  for  his  equipment  and  passage  home  :  and 
Sir  Willoughby  Gordon,  in  a  Letter  which  the  Edi- 

*  In  mentioning  the  names  of  Sir  Joseph  Banks  and  Mr.  Barrow, 
the  Editor  ought  not  to  conceal  that  Adams  had  the  misfortune,  at  his 
first  interviews  with  these  gentlemen,  and  previous  to  the  conclusive 
corroborations  which  his  story  has  since  received,  to  excite  some 
doubts  in  their  minds  by  his  account  of  Tombuctoo,  and  by  his  mis- 
takes on  some  subjects  of  natural  history,  (see  Notes  15,  18,  and  20,) 
but  of  the  general  truth  of  his  Narrative  they  did  not,  even  at  thnr 
early  period,  entertain  any  doubts, 


XVI  INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS. 

tor  had  subsequently  the  honour  to  receive  from  him, 
expressed  his  opinion  in  the  following  words :  "  the 
perusal  of  his  Statement,  and  the  personal  examina- 
tion of  Adams,  have  entirely  satisfied  me  of  the  truth 
of  his  deposition.  If  he  should  be  proved  an  impos- 
tor, he  will  fee  second  only  to  Psalmanazar." 


Although  the  information  thus  obtained  fromAdamg 
did  not,  in  strictness,  answer  the  specifick  object 
for  which  it  was  sought,  that  of  assisting  Major  Ped- 
die;  yet  as  his  extraordinary  adventures,  and  his  de- 
tails of  Tombuctoo,  were  too  curious  to  be  suppress- 
ed, it  was  resolved,  with  a  view  to  the  gratification 
of  the  publick,  and  in  some  respects,  in  justice  to 
Adams,  that  the  Narrative  should  be  printed  for 
his  sole  benefit.  It  was  accordingly  about  to  be 
sent  to  the  press  in  December  last,  unsupported  by 
any  external  evidence  beyond  the  considerations  and 
opinions,  contained  in  the  preceding  part  of  this 
Preface,  which  was  written  at  that  time.  And  as  no 
sufficient  reason  then  existed  for  any  longer  opposing 
Adams's  wish  to  revisit  his  home,  he  embarked  on 
board  a  vessel  bound  to  New  York;  leaving  until 
his  return,  (which  he  promised  should  take  place  in 
the  Spring,)  a  large  balance  of  the  bounty  of  the 
Lords  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  expected  profits  of 
his  Book ;  but  before  his  departure  he  communicated 
to  the  Editor  such  particulars  of  his  family  as  might 
lead  to  the  verification  of  his,  and  their,  identity,  if  his 
return  to  this  country  should  be  prevented  by  his 
death. 

At  this  conjuncture  an  opportunity  unexpectedly 
presented  itself,  of  putting  Adams's  veracity  to  a 
decisive  test  on  many  important  details  of  his  Narra- 
tive; and  the  intended  publication  was  consequently 


jH$' 


INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS.  XVU 

suspended  until  the  result  of  this  investigation  should 
be  ascertained. 

The  circumstance  which  produced  this  fortunate 
delay,  was  notice  of  the  arrival  in  England  of  Mr. 
Dupuis,  the  British  Vice-Consul  at  Mogadore  ;  to 
whose  interference  Adams  had  ascribed  his  ransom ; 
and  to  whom,  consequently,  the  truth  or  falsehood 
of  many  of  his  statements  must  of  necessity  be  known. 
No  time  was  lost  in  obtaining  an  interview  with  this 
gentleman :  and  the  satisfactory  answers  returned 
by  him  to  the  Editor's  first  inquiries,  led  to  further 
trespasses  on  his  kindness  and  his  leisure ;  which  ter- 
minated in  his  consenting,  at  the  earnest  solicitation 
of  the  Editor,  to  undertake  the  perusal  of  the  entire 
Narrative,  and  to  communicate  in  writing  whatever 
observations,  whether  confirmatory  or  otherwise, 
might  occur  to  him  in  the  course  of  its  examination. 

The  general  result  of  this  scrutiny,  so  satisfacto- 
ry to  the  previous  believers  of  Adams,  is  contained 
in  the  following  Letter  from  Mr.  Dupuis,  which  is 
too  interesting  and  important  to  admit  of  any 
abridgment. 

*  "  London,  31sl  January,  1816. 

"  In  compliance  with  your  request,  I  have  great 
pleasure  in  communicating  to  you  all  the  particulars 
with  which  I  am  acquainted,  respecting  the  Ameri- 
can seaman  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  at  Tim- 
buctoo  ;  of  whom  I  have  a  distinct  recollection. 

"In  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1810, 1  was  informed, 
at  Mogadore,  that  the  ship  Charles,  of  New  York, 
to  which  that  seaman  belonged,  was  wrecked  on 
the  Western  Coast  of  Africa,  near  the  latitude  of 
Cape  Blanco :  and  about  three  months  after  her 
loss,  I  was  fortunate  enough  to  ransom  three  of  her 
crew;  who  informed  me  that  their  Captain  was  dead, 

3 


XV111  INTRODUCTORY   DETAILS. 

that  the  rest  of  the  crew  were  in  slavery,  and  that 
two  of  them,  in  particular,  had  been  carried  away 
by  the  Arabs  in  an  easterly  direction  across  the  De- 
sert, and  would  probably  never  be  heard  of  again. 
Some  time  after  this,  I  heard  that  the  mate  and  one 
seaman  were  at  Wed-Noon  ;  and  I  accordingly  tried 
to  effect  their  liberation;  but  after  a  considerable 
time  spent  in  this  endeavour,  I  could  neither  suc- 
ceed in  that  object,  nor  in  obtaining  any  information 
respecting  the  rest  of  the  crew.  At  length,  nearly 
two  years  after  the  wreck  of  the  Charles,  I  acciden- 
tally heard  that  a  Christian  was  at  El  Kabla,  a  re- 
mote Douar  in  the  Desert,  in  a  south-east  direction 
from  Mogadore;  and  subsequently  I  heard  of  the 
arrival  of  the  same  individual  at  Wed-Noon  ;  from 
whence,  after  a  tedious  negociation,  I  ultimately  ob- 
tained his  release  about  a  year  afterwards. 

"  The  appearance,  features  and  dress  of  this  man 
upon  his  arrival  at  Mogadore,  so  perfectly  resembled 
those  of  an  Arab,  or  rather  of  a  Shilluh,  his  head 
being  shaved,  and  his  beard  scanty  and  black,  that  I 
had  difficulty  at  first  in  believing  him  to  be  a  Chris- 
tian. When  I  spoke  to  him  in  English  he  answered 
me  in  a  mixture  of  Arabick  and  broken  English,  and 
sometimes  in  Arabick  only.  At  this  early  period  I 
could  not  help  remarking,  that  his  pronunciation  of 
Arabick  resembled  that  of  a  Negro,  but  concluded 
that  it  was  occasioned  by  his  intercourse  with  Ne- 
gro slaves. 

"  Like  most  other  Christians  after  a  long  captivity 
and  severe  treatment  among  the  Arabs,  he  appeared 
upon  his  first  arrival  exceedingly  stupid  and  insensi- 
ble ;  and  he  scarcely  spoke  to  any  one  :  but  he  soon 
began  to  show  great  thankfulness  for  his  ransom,  and 
willingly  assisted  in  arranging  and  cultivating  a  small 
garden,  and  in  other  employments,  which  I  gave  him 
with  a  view  of  diverting  his  thoughts.     About  ten  or 


INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS.  XIX 

twelve  days  afterwards  his  faculties  seemed  pretty- 
well  restored,  and  his  reserve  had  in  a  great  mea- 
sure worn  off;  and  about  this  period,  having  been 
informed  by  a  person  with  whom  he  conversed, 
that  he  had  visited  the  Negro  country,  I  began  to 
inquire  of  him  the  extent  of  his  travels  in  the  De- 
sert ;  suppressing  every  appearance  of  peculiar  cu- 
riosity, or  of  expecting  any  thing  extraordinary  from 
his  answers.  He  then  related  to  me,  with  the 
greatest  simplicity,  the  manner  in  which  he  had  been 
wrecked,  and  afterwards  carried  away  to  the  east- 
ward, to  Timbuctoo ;  the  misfortunes  and  sufferings 
of  the  party  which  he  accompanied,  his  return  across 
the  Desert,  and  his  ultimate  arrival  at  Wed-Noon. 
What  he  dwelt  upon  with  most  force  and  earnest- 
ness during  this  recital,  were  the  particulars  of  the 
brutal  treatment  which  he  experienced  from  the 
Arabs  at  El  Kabla  and  Wed-Noon.  He  did  not  ap- 
pear to  attach  any  importance  to  the  fact  of  his 
having  been  at  Timbuctoo:  and  the  only  strong 
feeling  which  he  expressed  respecting  it,  was  that  of 
dread,  with  which  some  of  the  Negroes  had  inspired 
him,  who,  he  said,  were  sorcerers,  and  possessed  the 
power  of  destroying  their  enemies  by  witchcraft. 

"  The  probability  of  the  events,  the  manner  of 
his  relating  them,  and  the  correspondence  of  his 
description  of  places  with  what  information  1  pos- 
sessed respecting  them,  led  me  to  attach  a  conside- 
rable degree  of  credit  to  his  Narrative.  After  re- 
peated examinations,  in  which  I  found  him  uniformly 
clear  and  consistent  in  his  accounts,  I  sent  for  seve- 
ral respectable  traders  who  had  been  at  Timbuc- 
too ;  and  these  persons,  after  examining  him  respect- 
ing the  situation  of  that  city  and  of  other  places, 
and  respecting  the  objects  which  he  had  seen  there, 
assured  me  that  they  had  no  doubt  of  his  having 
been  where  he  described.     So  strongly  was  my  be- 


XX  INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS. 


lief  in  the  truth  and  accuracy  of  his  recital  now  con- 
firmed, that  I  wrote  a  detail  of  the  circumstances  to 
Mr.  Simpson,  Consul-General  of  the  United  States 
at  Tangier :  I  made  a  chart,  on  which  I  traced  his 
course ;  and  observed,  that  it  extended  eastward 
nearly  to  the  supposed  situation  of  Timbuctoo :  I 
also  took  down  in  writing  an  account  of  his  travels, 
which  I  regret  that  I  left  amongst  my  papers  at  Mo- 
gadore ;  and  although  in  doing  this  I  had  occasion 
to  make  him  repeat  his  story  several  times,  I  never 
found  that  he  differed  in  any  important  particular 
from  the  tale  he  told  at  first. 

44  The  Narrative  which  you  have  transmitted  to 
me  appears,  after  a  minute  examination,  and  to  the 
best  of  my  recollection,  to  be  the  same,  in  substance, 
as  that  which  I  received  from  him  at  Mogadore. 
The  chain  of  events  is  uniformly  the  same ;  but  I 
think  he  entered  more  into  detail  on  many  points,  in 
the  relation  which  he  gave  to  me.  I  do  not  enlarge 
upon  this  subject  here,  having  pointed  out  in  the 
Notes  which  I  have  made  on  the  Narrative,  the  few 
passages,  in  which  I  found  it  differ  materially  from 
what!  recollect  of  his  statements  at  Mogadore.  I 
have  also  mentioned  such  circumstances  as  corro- 
borated any  part  of  his  statements ;  and  I  have  ad- 
ded, according  to  your  desire,  such  illustrations  or  in- 
cidental information,  as  occurred  to  me  in  perusing 
the  Narrative. 

"  Being  quite  satisfied  from  your  description  of 
the  person  of  the  American  seaman,  and  from  the 
internal  evidence  of  the  Narrative,  that  4  Robert 
Adams*  is  the  identical  individual  who  was  with  me 
at  Mogadore,  I  must  not,  however,  omit  to  inform 
you,  that  the  name  by  which  he  went  in  Africa  was 
Benjamin  Rose  ;  by  which  name  also  he  was  known 
to  those  of  the  crew  of  the  Charles  who  were  ran- 
somed. 


INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS.  XXI 

"I  cannot  say  that  I  am  much  surprised  at  this 
circumstance,  because  I  recollect  that  he  once  hint- 
ed, during  his  residence  at  Mogadore,  that  ;  Benja- 
min Rose'  was  not  his  real  name :  and  from  the 
Ereat  apprehensions  which  he  always  discovered, 
;st  he  should  fall  in  with,  or  be  impressed  by  a 
British  Man  of  War,  as  well  as  from  the  anxiety 
which  he  shewed  on  being  sent  to  Tangier,  so  near 
to  Gibraltar,  I  could  not  help  suspecting  that  he 
might  have  some  reasons  of  his  own,  connected  with 
the  British  Naval  service,  for  going  under  a  feigned 
name.  This  conjecture  was  in  some  degree  con- 
firmed by  an  acknowledgment  which  he  made,  that 
he  had  once  been  on  board  a  British  Man  of  War, 
either  on  service,  or  detained  as  a  prisoner. 

"  There  is  another  circumstance  which  he  men- 
tioned to  me  at  Mogadore,  which  may  possibly  have 
led  to  this  change  of  name.  He  told  me  that  he  had 
quitted  America  to  avoid  a  prosecution  with  which 
he  was  threatened  for  the  consequences  of  an  amour, 
which  he  was  unwilling  to  make  good  by  marriage. 
But  on  the  whole,  I  am  disposed  to  think  that  the 
former  was  the  real  cause;  since  he  never  express- 
ed any  reluctance  to  go  to  America,  but  always 
seemed  to  dread  the  idea  of  visiting  Europe.  I 
never  doubted  at  Mogadore  that  he  was  an  Ameri- 
can, as  he  stated ;  and  on  one  occasion,  he  discover- 
ed an  involuntary  exultation  at  the  sight  of  the 
American  flag,  which  seemed  quite  convincing.  He 
told  me  that  he  was  born  up  the  river  of  New  York, 
where  his  father  lived  when  he  quitted  America ; 
and  I  learnt,  either  from  himself  or  from  some  other 
of  the  Charles's  crew,  that  his  mother  was  a  Mulat- 
to, which  circumstance  his  features  and  complex- 
ion seemed  to  confirm. 

"  On  the  whole,  as  I  consider  it  not  improbable 
that  Adams  may  be  his  real  name,  and  being  at  all 


XXII  INTRODUCTORY   DETAILS. 

events  quite  satisfied,  that  he  is  the  person  whom  I 
knew  at  Mogadore,  I  have,  (to  avoid  confusion) 
adopted  the  name  which  he  bears  in  the  Narrative, 
when  I  speak  of  him  in  my  Notes. 

"  I  shall  be  very  happy  if  this  explanation,  and 
the  details  into  which  I  have  entered  in  the  Notes, 
prove  of  any  interest:  if  you  think  them  of  sufficient 
importance,  I  can  have  no  possible  ground  for  ob- 
jecting to  their  being  made  pubhck. 

«  JOSEPH  DUPUIS." 

Fortified  by  this  important  testimony,  the  Narra* 
tive  is  now  presented  to  the  publick,  with  a  guaran- 
tee for  its  substantial  veracity,  which  happily  su- 
persedes, though  it  does  not  render  the  less  interest- 
ing, the  presumptive  and  internal  evidence  to  which 
the  Reader's  attention  has  already  been  directed. 

The  Editor  reserves  for  another  place,  a  brief 
review  of  the  extent  to  which  Mr.  Dupuis'  com- 
munications thus  confirm  the  Narrative ;  together 
with  an  examination  of  those  parts  of  it  which  still 
rest  on  the  unsupported  authority  of  the  Narrator. 
But  he  cannot  omit  this,  the  earliest,  opportunity, 
of  publicly  acknowledging  his  great  personal  obli- 
gations to  that  gentleman,  not  merely  for  his  ex- 
amination of  the  Narrative,  and  for  the  confirma- 
tion which  his  Letter  and  Notes  have  lent  to  it, 
but  peculiarly  for  the  ready  kindness  with  which 
he  has  yielded  to  the  Editor's  request,  in  extend- 
ing his  interesting  remarks  on  some  particular  oc- 
casions, further  than  the  mere  confirmation  of 
Adams's  Narrative  in  strictness  seemed  to  require. 

To  this  additional  encroachment  on  the  leisure  of 
Mr.  Dupuis,  the  Editor  was  impelled  by  information, 
that  few  persons  were  better  qualified  to  give  origi- 
nal and  accurate  details  respecting  the  natives  of 
Barbary  and  the  Desert;— a  residence  of  eight  years 


INTRODUCTORY    DETAILS.  XX11I 


in  the  dominions  of  the  Emperour  of  Morocco, — 
(more  than  half  of  which  period  in  an  official  charac- 
ter,)— and  an  eminent  proficiency  in  the  Arabick 
language,  and  in  its  very  difficult  pronunciation, 
having*  afforded  to  him  facilities  of  accurate  com- 
munication with  the  natives,  to  which  very  few  of 
our  countrymen  have  ever  attained. 

The  Editor's  particular  acknowledgments  are 
also  due  to  two  gentlemen,  members  of  the  African 
Committee  (whom  he  should  have  been  glad  to  have 
had  permission  to  name,)  whose  contributions  will 
be  found  in  this  publication :  to  the  one,  for  a 
Dissertation  of  great  practical  importance  on  the  Up- 
per Regions  of  the  Niger,  inserted  in  the  Appendix, 
No.  I ; — and  to  the  other,  for  the  Map  already 
alluded  to,  and  for  various  Notes  and  Remarks  with 
which,  during  the  Editor's  temporary  absence,  from 
ill  health,  he  has  had  the  kindness  to  illustrate  the 
Narrative. 

In  conclusion,  the  Editor  has  only  to  add  the  as- 
surance (which  however  he  trusts  is  hardly  neces- 
sary,) that  the  Narrative  itself  is  precisely  in  the  same 
state  now,  as  when  it  was  read  at  the  offices  of 
the  Colonial  Secretary  of  State,  and  of  the  Quarter- 
Master-General  ; — not  a  single  liberty  either  of  ad- 
dition or  suppression  having  been  taken  with  the 
plain  statements  of  Adams :  even  the  imperfect  or- 
thography of  the  names  of  places,  as  they  were  first 
written  to  imitate  Adams's  pronunciation,  remains 
uncorrected;  in  order  that  the  Reader  may  judge 
for  himself  of  Adams's  approach  to  accuracy,  in  this 
respect,  by  comparing  his  recollections  of  the  names 
of  places  and  persons,  with  those  accurately  furnish- 
ed by  Mr.  Dupuis. 

April  30th,  1816. 


ADVERTISEMENT  TO   THE   MAP. 


In  conformity  with  the  reported  computation  of  the 
master  of  the  "  Charles,"  the  scene  of  the  shipwreck 
has  been  placed  in  the  map  four  hundred  miles  north 
of  the  Senegal,  or  about  the  22d.  degree  of  north 
latitude. 

The  ruled  line  drawn  from  this  point  represents 
Adams's  recollected  courses  to  Tombuctoo  and 
Wed-Noon,  extracted  from  the  narrative  at  his  high- 
est estimates  of  distance.*  The  dotted  line  from  the 
same  point  is  given  as  the  assumed  real  track  of  these 
journeys :  being  an  adaptation  of  the  former  line  to 
the  positions  assigned  by  the  best  authorities  to  the 
cities  of  Tombuctoo  and  Wed-Noon;  and  the  differ- 
ence between  thsee  two  lines  will  shew  the  extent  of 
allowance  for  errours  in  reckoning,  which  Adams's 
statements  appear  to  require. 

It  is  evident,  however,  that  the  accuracy  of  the 
first  part  of  these  journeys  (from  the  coast  to 
Tombuctoo)  must  depend  altogether  upon  the  cor- 
rectness of  the  assumed  point  of  departure  from 
which  it  is  traced ;  and  it  will  probably  be  remarked, 
that  as  the  fact  of  the  shipwreck  proves  the  master 
to  have  been  mistaken  in  his  estimate  of  longitude, 
we  may  fairly  presume  that  he  was  at  least  equally 
mistaken  in  his  latitude ;  since  the  known  direction 
of  the  currents  which  prevail  on  this  part  of  the 
African  coast  (by  which  he  was  probably  misled) 

*  See  the  Table  in  Note  60. 


ADVERTISEMENT    TO    THE    MAP.  XXV 

would  doubtless  carry  the  ship  at  least  as  far  to  the 
southward  of  her  reckoning,  as  the  fact  of  the  wreck 
proves  that  she  was  carried  to  the  eastward. 

Admitting  the  force  of  this  consideration,  we  may 
observe,  that  in  the  degree  in  which  it  tends  to  in- 
validate the  accuracy  of  the  master's  estimate,  it  cor- 
roborates the  precision  of  Adams's  recollections — 
his  line  of  journey  (as  now  traced  from  the  master's 
position  of  the  shipwreck,)  lying  actually  a  little 
further  to  the  north  than  is  requisite  to  bring  him  to 
the  supposed  situation  of  Tombuctoo. 

There  is  not,  however,  any  sufficient  ground  for 
believing,  that  Captain  Horton's  estimates,  after  the 
loss  of  his  ship,  did  notinclude,  all  the  allowances  for 
the  effect  of  the  currents,  which  we  are  now  contem- 
plating, and  which  that  misfortune  was  calculated  to 
suggest;  and  we  are,  consequently,  not  at  liberty  to 
deviate  from  his  opinion  merely  to  fit  the  circum- 
stances to  Adams's  story.  Nevertheless,  this  opi- 
nion (which  may  be  erroneous)  must  be  taken,  in 
conjunction  with  Adams's  description  of  the  place 
where  they  were  cast  away ;  and  the  only  certain 
conclusion  thusdeducible  from  the  narrative  appears 
to  be, — that  the  "  Charles"  was  wrecked  on  a  ledge 
of  low  rocks,  projecting  from  a  level  sandy  coast,  not 
far  from  the  latitude  of  Cape  Blanco. 

With  respect  to  other  positions  in  the  map,  we 
have  only  to  explain, — that  the  latitude  of  Park's 
lines  of  journey  from  the  Gambia  to  Silla  is  adjusted 
from  the  data  afforded  by  his  last  mission ;  but  that 
Major  Rennell's  situation  of  Tombuctoo  has  been 
retained. 

A  conjectural  junction  has  been  suggested  be- 
tween Adams's  river  La  Mar  Zarah  and  the  Niger: 
and  a  suppositious  course  has  also  been  assigned  to 
the  latter  river,  above  the  point  to  which  Park's  per- 

4 


XXVI  ADVERTISEMENT    TO    THE    MAP. 

sonal  observation  extended,  in  order  to  illustrate  the 
question  discussed  in  the  Appendix,  No.  I. 

In  a  publication  professedly  intended  to  promote, 
in  however  trifling  a  degree,  our  acquaintance  with 
the  interiour  of  Africa,  it  has  not  appeared  improper 
to  advert  to  the  question  of  the  termination  of  the 
Niger;  and  the  outline  of  the  map  has  accordingly 
been  extended  to  the  Zaire  and  the  Nile,  in  order  to 
afford  a  glance  at  the  great  points  of  this  much  agi- 
tated question.  It  is  not,  however,  our  intention  to 
mix  further  in  this  discussion.  The  problem  which 
has  excited  so  strong  an  interest,  is  now,  we  trust, 
in  a  fair  way  of  being  satisfactorily  solved,  by  the 
joint  labours  of  the  double  expedition  which  is  actu- 
ally on  foot;  and  it  has  been,  in  the  mean  time,  so 
ably  illustrated  in  all  its  parts,  by  Major  Rennell  in 
his  Geographical  Illustrations  of  Park's  first  Travels, 
— by  the  Editor  of  Park's  Second  Mission, — and 
by  the  most  respectable  of  our  periodical  publica- 
tions, that  it  would  appear  a  little  presumptuous  in 
us  to  expect  that  we  could  throw  any  new  interest 
into  the  discussion.  But  desirous  of  contributing 
our  mite  of  information  to  the  facts  upon  which  the 
discussion  itself  is  founded,  we  shall  offer  no  apology 
for  inserting,  in  this  place,  the  substance  of  a  com- 
munication with  which  we  have  been  favoured  by  a 
gentleman  upon  whose  statements  we  can  rely,  and 
who  has  resided,  at  different  intervals,  a  considera- 
ble time  at  the  settlement  of  Lagos,  and  at  other  sta- 
tions on  the  coast  of  the  Bight  of  Benin. 

We  learn  from  our  informant  that  the  Haoussa* 
traders  who,  previous  to  the  abolition  of  the  slave 
trade,  were  continually  to  be  met  with  at  Lagos,  still 
come  down  to  that  mart,  though  in  smaller  bodies. 
The  result  of  his  frequent  communications  with  them 

*  Pronounced  by  the  Negroes  as  ifit  were  written  A-Houssa. 


ADVERTISEMENT    TO    THE    MAP.  XXVll 

respecting  the  journey  to  their  own  country  and  the 
Negro  nations  through  which  it  lay,  has  strongly 
persuaded  him  of  the  practicability  of  a  body  of 
Europeans  penetrating  in  that  direction  to  the  Ni- 
ger, with  proper  precautions,  under  the  protection 
of  the  Haoussa  merchants  :  and  of  insuring  their 
safe  return  by  certain  arrangements  to  be  made  be- 
tween the  adventurers  themselves,  (countenanced 
by  the  authority  of  the  Governours  of  the  neigh- 
bouring forts,) — their  Haoussa  conductors,  and  the 
settled  native  traders  on  the  coast.  The  principal 
Negro  nation  on  the  journey  are  the  Joos,*  a  pow- 
erful and  not  ill  disposed  people  ;  and,  nearer  the 
coast,  (avoiding  the  Dahomey  territories,)  the 
Anagoos,  and  the  Mahees  ;  the  latter  of  whom  are 
stated  to  be  an  industrious  people  and  good  plant- 
ers. Cowries  alone  would  be  necessary,  for  suste- 
nance or  presents,  during  the  whole  of  the  journey. 
But  it  is  principally  with  reference  to  the  nature 
of  the  country  which  lies  between  the  coast  and 
Haoussa  that  we  notice  this  communication.  The 
traders  describe  their  journey  to  the  coast  as  occu- 
pying between  three  and  four  months,  which  is  as 
much  time  as  they  require  for  the  journey  from 
Haoussa  to  the  Gambia;  the  difficulties  and  delays 
incidental  to  the  former  journey  counterbalancing  its 
shorter  distance.  These  difficulties  are  invariably 
described  as  resulting  from  the  numerous  rivers,  mo- 
rasses, and  large  lakes  which  intersect  the  countries 
between  Haoussa  and  the  coast.  Some  of  these 
lakes  are  crossed  by  the  traders  on  rafts  of  a  large 
size,  capable  of  transporting  many  passengers  and 
much  merchandise  at  one  passage  j  and  here  the 
travellers  are  often  detained  a  considerable  time 
until  a  sufficiently  large  freight  of  passengers  and 

*  Yos,  or  Jyos,  in  D'Anville's  maps. 


XXVU1  ADVERTISEMENT    TO    THE    MAP. 

goods  happens  to  be  collected.  On  no  occasion 
does  our  informant  recollect  that  the  Haoussa 
traders  have  spoken  of  a  range  of  mountains,  which 
they  had  to  cross  in  coming  down  from  their  own 
country,  and  he  has  no  idea  that  any  such  range  ex- 
ists in  that  direction,  as  the  traders  spoke  only  of 
morasses  and  other  impediments  from  water. 

We  hardly  need  to  observe,  that  these  statements 
appear  to  remove  some  of  the  difficulties  which  have 
been  objected  to  the  prolongation  of  the  course   of 
the  Niger  to  the  southward,  either  to  the  kingdom  of 
Congo  or  to  the  Gulf  of  Guinea,  in   consequence  of 
the  supposed  barrier  of  the  Jibbel  Kumri,  or  moun- 
tains of  the  moon;  but  the  details  are  of  course  too 
vague  to  supply  any  argument  in  favour  of  either  of 
the  particular  systems  here  alluded  to  respecting  the 
termination  of  the  Niger, — either  of  the  conjectural 
theory  of  Reichard,  or  of  the  more  reasoned  system 
which  Park  adopted,  and  which  is  so  ably  illustrated 
and   enforced  in  one  of  the  publications*  to  which 
we  have  already  alluded. 

*  See  the  Quarterly  Review  for  April  1815,  Art.  VI. 


NARRATIVE,  $c. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Departure  from  New  York  on  board  the  "Charles. "....Names  of  the 
Crew.. ..Arrival  at  Gibraltar.... Voyage  to  the  Isle  of  Mayo. ...Igno- 
rance of  the  Captain.. ..The  ship  is  wrecked  on  the  Western  coast  of 
Africa.. ..The  Crew  saved,but  are  enslaved  by  the  Moors. ...El  Gazie... 
Description  of  the  Moors,  and  their  proceedings... .French  Renegade 
....Sufferings  of  the  Crew. ...Death  of  Captain  Horton.... Separation 
of  the  Crew,  and  departure  of  the  Moors  from  El  Gazie.. ..Adams  is 
conveyed  eastward  into  the  Desert. ...Mode  of  travelling..  ..Arrival  at 
the  encampment  of  the  Moors. ...Employment  there... .Expedition  to 
steal  Negro  Slaves  at  Soudenny.... Sufferings  in  traversing  the  De- 
sert....Arrival  near  Soudenny.... The  Moors  seize  a  Woman  and  two 
Children.... Are  themselves  surprized  by  the  Negroes,  taken  prison- 
ers, and  confined  in  the  town.. ..Soudenny,  and  its  inhabitants.. ..The 
prisoners  are  conveyed  by  a  party  of  armed  Negroes  to  Tombuctoo 
....Journey  thither  ;  during  which  fourteen  of  the  Moors  are  put 
to  death. ...Arrival  at  Tombuctoo. 

Robert  Adams,  aged  25,  born  at  Hudson,  about  one 
hundred  miles  up  the  North  River,  from  New 
York,  where  his  father  was  a  sail  maker,  was  brought 
up  to  the  seafaring  line,  and  made  several  voyages  to 
Lisbon,  Cadiz,  Seville,  and  Liverpool. 

On  the  17th  of  June,  1810,  he  sailed  from  New 
York  in  the  ship  Charles,  John  Horton  master,  of 
280  tons,  Charles  Still  well  owner;  laden  with  flour, 
rice,  and  salted  provisions?  bound  to  Gibraltar. 


30  ROBERT  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE. 

The  crew  consisted  of  the  following  persons  : — 

Stephen  Dolbie,  mate, 

Thomas  Williams, 

Martin  Clarke, 

Unis  Newsham, 

Nichofas  (a  Swede,) 

John  Stephens, 
:  I    *  I     John  Matthews, 
,  James  Davison, 
.*•    •    :t..?, ■■  .Robert  Adams, 
shipped  at  New  York. 

The  vessel  arrived  in  twenty-six  days  at  Gibraltar, 
where  the  cargo  was  discharged.  Here  she  was 
joined  by  Unis  Nelson,  another  sailor :  she  lay  at 
Gibraltar  about  a  month,  and  after  taking  in  sand 
ballast,  68  pipes  of  wine,  some  blue  nankeens,  and 
old  iron,  proceeded  on  her  voyage,  the  Captain  stat- 
ing that  he  was  bound  to  the  Isle  of  May,  for  salt, 
but  afterwards  it  appeared  that  he  was  going  on  a 
trading  voyage  down  the  coast.  (*)  When  they  had 
been  at  sea  about  three  weeks,  Adams  heard  two  of 
the  crew,  Newsham  and  Matthews,  who  were  old 
sailors,  and  had  been  on  the  coast  before,  speaking 
to  the  mate,  stating  their  opinion  that  the  Captain 
did  not  know  where  he  was  steering  :  the  ship's 
course  was  then  south  south-west  :  they  said  he 
ought  to  have  steered  to  the  northward  of  west* 
They  had  to  beat  against  contrary  winds  for  eight  or 
nine  days  afterwards  ;  and  on  the  11th  of  October, 
about  3  o'clock  in  the  morning,  they  heard  breakers  ; 
when  Matthews,  the  man  at  the  helm,  told  the  mate, 
who  was  keeping  watch,  that  he  was  sure  they  were 
near  the  shore  ;  to  which  the  mate  replied,  that  "he 
had  better  mind   the  helm,  or  his  wages  would    be 

*  These  courses,  whether  from  the  fanlt  of  Adams's  memory,  or  of 
the  judgment  of  the  "old  sailors,"  hardly  seem  to  warrant  the  conse- 
quences here  ascribed  to  them. 


ROBERT    ADAMS  S    NARRATIVE.  31 

stopped."  An  hour  afterwards  the  vessel  struck, 
but  there  was  so  much  fog  that  the  shore  could  not 
be  seen.  The  boat  was  immediately  hoisted  out, 
and  the  mate  and  three  seamen  got  into  it,  but  it 
instantly  swamped.  The  four  persons  who  were  in 
it,  swam,  or  were  cast  ashore  by  the  surf;  soon  after 
a  sea  washed  off  four  or  five  more  of  the  crew,  in- 
cluding Adams ;  but  as  all  of  the  ship's  company  could 
swim,  except  Nicholas  and  the  mate,  they  reached 
the  shore  without  much  difficulty  ;  the  latter  two 
were  nearly  exhausted,  but  no  lives  were  lost.  When 
morning  came,  it  appeared  that  the  ship  had  struck 
on  a  reef  of  rocks  that  extended  about  three  quar- 
ters of  a  mile  into  the  sea,  and  were  more  than 
twelve  feet  above  the  surface  at  low  water.  The 
place,  according  to  the  Captain's  reckoning,  was 
about  four  hundred  miles  to  the  northward  of  Sene- 
gal. 

Soon  after  break  of  day  they  were  surrounded  by- 
thirty  or  forty  Moors,  who  were  engaged  in  fishing 
on  that  coast,  by  whom  Captain  Horton  and  the  ship's 
company  were  made  prisoners.  The  vessel  bilged  : 
the  cargo  was  almost  entirely  lost ;  and  what  re- 
mained of  the  wreck  was  burnt  by  the  Moors,  for  the 
copper  bolts  and  sheathing  ;  but  as  they  had  no  tools 
wherewith  to  take  off  the  copper,  they  saved  little 
more  than  the  bolls.  The  place  which  was  called 
El  Gazie,  (2)  was  a  low  sandy  beach,  having  no  trees 
in  sight,  nor  any  verdure.  There  was  no  appear- 
ance of  mountain  or  hill ;  nor  (excepting  only  the 
rock  on  which  the  ship  was  wrecked)  any  thing  but 
sand  as  far  as  the  eve  could  reach. 

The  Moors  were  straight  haired,  but  quite  black; 
their  dress  consisted  of  little  more  than  a  rug  or  a 
skin  round  their  waist,  their  upper  parts  and  from 
their  knees  downwards,  being  wholly  naked.  The 
men  had  neither  shoes  nor  hats,  but  wore  their  hair 


32  ROBERT  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE. 

very  long  :  the  women  had  a  little  dirty  rag  round  their 
heads  by  way  of  turban.  They  were  living  in  tents 
made  of  stutFlike  a  coarse  blanket,  of  goat's  hair, 
and  sheep's  wool  interwoven;  but  some  of  them  were 
without  tents,  until  they  were  enabled  to  make  them 
of  the  sails  of  the  ship  ;  out  of  which  they  also  made 
themselves  clothes.  The  men  were  circumcised. 
They  appeared  to  be  provided  with  no  cooking  uten- 
sil whatever.  Their  mode  of  dressing  fish  was  by 
drying  it  in  the  sun,  cutting  it  into  thin  pieces,  and 
letting  it  broil  on  the  hot  sand  ;  but  they  were  better 
off  after  the  wreck,  as  they  secured  several  pots, 
saucepans,  &c.  So  extremely  indigent  were  these 
people,  that  when  unable  to  catch  fish,  they  were  in 
danger  of  starving  ;  and  in  the  course  of  fourteen 
days,  or  thereabouts,  that  they  remained  at  El  Gazie, 
they  were  three  or  four  days  without  fish,  owing  to 
the  want  of  proper  tackle.  Among  the  articles  in  a 
chest  that  floated  ashore,  was  fishing  tackle,  which 
the  crew  of  the  Charles  offered  to  shew  the  Moors 
how  to  use,  and  to  assist  them  in  fishing ;  but  they 
refused  to  be  instructed,  or  to  receive  any  assistance. 
At  length,  having  accumulated  enough  to  load  a  ca- 
mel, they  raised  their  tents  and  departed,  taking 
with  them  their  prisoners. 

Besides  the  Moors,  there  was  a  young  man  in  ap- 
pearance a  Frenchman,  but  dressed  like  a  Moor. 
As  captain  Horton  spoke  French,  he  conversed  with 
this  man,  who  told  him  that  about  a  year  before  he 
had  made  his  escape  from  Santa  Cruz,  in  the  Canary 
Islands,  in  a  small  vessel,  ,with  some  other  French- 
men ;  and  that  having  appoached  the  shore  to  pro- 
cure goats,  they  had  found  it  impossible  to  get  the 
vessel  off  again,  on  account  of  the  surf,  and  were  ta- 
ken prisoners ;  his  companions  had  been  sent  up  the 
country.     As  he  associated,  and  ate  and  slept  with 


ROBERT    ADAMS  ?S    NARRATIVE.  33 

the  Moors,  Adams  was  of  opinion  that  he  had  turned 
Mohammedan,  although  he  assured  Captain  Horton 
that  he  had  not  done  so.  (3) 

On  the  landing  of  the  Captain  and  crew,  the 
Moors  stripped  all  of  them  naked,  and  hid  the  clothes 
under  ground,  as  well  as  the  articles  which  they 
had  collected  from  the  ship,  or  which  had  floated 
ashore.  Being  thus  exposed  to  a  scorching  sun, 
their  skins  became  dreadfully  blistered,  and  at  night 
they  were  obliged  to  dig  holes  in  the  sand  to  sleep 
in,  for  the  sake  of  coolness. 

This  was  not  the  only  evil  they  had  to  encounter, 
for  as  the  Moors  swarmed  with  lice,  Adams  and  his 
companions  soon  became  covered  with  them. 

About  a  week  after  landing,  the  Captain  became 
extremely  ill,  and  having  expressed  himself  violently 
on  the  occasion  of  his  being  stripped,  and  frequently 
afterwards  using  loud  and  coarse  language,  and  me- 
nacing gestures,  he  was  at  length  seized  by  jhe 
Moors  and  put  to  death.  The  instrument  they  used 
on  the  occasion  was  a  sword,  which  they  found  in 
the  cabin  :  the  Captain  used  no  resistance ;  he  was 
in  fact  so  reduced  by  sickness,  and  was  in  such  a 
state  of  despondency,  that  he  frequently  declared  he 
wished  for  death.  It  was  the  manner  of  the  Cap- 
tain that  gave  offence,  as  the  Moors  could  not  un- 
derstand what  he  said,  any  more  than  he  could  un- 
derstand them.  One  thing  in  particular,  about 
which  Adams  understood  the  Moors  to  quarrel  with 
him  was,  that  as  he  was  extremely  dirty,  and  (like 
all  the  party)  covered  with  vermin,  they  wished  him 
to  go  down  to  the  sea  to  wash,  and  made  signs  for 
him  to  do  so.     But  partly  from  an   obstinacy  of  dis- 

Eosition,  and  partly  from  the  lassitude  brought  on 
y  sickness  and  despair,  he  refused  to  do  as  de- 
sired; and  whenever  pressed  to  do  so,  used  the 
most  threatening  looks,  actions,  and  words.  (4) 


04  ROBERT    ADAMSES    NARRATIVE. 

When  the  vessel  struck,  the  Captain  gave  orders 
that  the  heads  of  the  wine  casks  should  be  knocked 
in,  in  the  hope  of  thereby  making  her  float ;  and 
when  he  found  that  did  not  succeed,  he  ordered  that 
the  guns,  flour,  anchors,  &c.  should  be  thrown  over- 
board, and  the  water  started.  In  the  confusion  and 
alarm,  the  muskets  and  powder  were  also  thrown 
overboard ;  otherwise  the  party  might  have  had  the 
means  of  defending  themselves  against  the  Moors 
who  appeared  on  their  first  landing,  the  number 
of  whom  did  not  exceed  forty  or  fifty  people  ;  but 
though  the  Captain  was  a  man  of  courage,  he  ap- 
peared to  be  utterly  deprived  of  reflection  after  the 
vessel  had  struck.  He  was  also  an  excellent  navi- 
gator, but  relied  too  much  upon  the  Mate. 

After  they  had  remained  about  ten  or  twelve 
days,  until  the  ship  and  materials  had  quite  disap- 
peared, the  Moors  made  preparation  to  depart,  and 
divided  the  prisoners  among  them,  carefully  hiding 
in  the  sand  every  thing  they  had  saved  from  the 
wreck.  Adams,  the  Mate,  and  Newsham  were  left 
in  the  possession  of  about  twenty  Moors,  (men, 
women,  and  children,)  who  quitted  the  sea  coast, 
having  four  camels,  three  of  which  they  loaded  with 
water,  and  the  other  with  fish  and  baggage.  They 
travelled  very  irregularly,  sometimes  going  only  ten 
or  twelve  miles  a  day,  but  often  considerably  more, 
making  upon  an  average  about  fifteen  miles  a  day ; 
occasionally  going  two  or  three  days  without  stop- 
ping, except  at  night,  at  others  resting  a  day  or 
two ;  on  which  occasions  they  pitched  the  tents  to 
recruit  the  camels. 

Except  one  woman,  who  had  an  infant,  which  she 
carried  on  her  back,  the  whole  of  the  party  went  on 
foot.  The  route  was  to  the  eastward,  but  inclining 
rather  to  the  south  than  to  the  north  of  east,  across 
a  desert  sandy  plain,  with  occasional  low  hills  ajnd 


ROBERT  ADAMs's  NARRATIVE.  35 

stones.  At  the  end  of  about  thirty  days,  during 
which  they  did  not  see  any  human  being,  they  ar- 
rived at  a  place,  the  name  of  which  Adams  did  not 
hear,  where  they  found  about  thirty  or  forty  tents, 
and  a  pool  of  water,  surrounded  by  a  few  shrubs, 
which  was  the  only  water  they  had  met  with  since 
quitting  the  coast. 

In  the  first  week  after  their  arrival,  Adams  and 
his  companions  being  greatly  fatigued,  were  not  re- 
quired to  do  any  work,  but  at  the  end  of  that  time 
they  were  put  to  tend  some  goats  and  sheep,  which 
were  the  first  they  had  seen.  About  this  time  John 
Stevens  arrived,  under  charge  of  a  Moor,  and  was 
sent  to  work  in  company  with  Adams.  Stephens 
was  a  Portuguese,  about  eighteen  years  of  age. 
At  this  place  they  remained  about  a  month. 

The  Mate  offered  the  Moors  one  hundred  dollars 
to  take  the  party  to  Senegal,  which  was  called  by 
the  Moors  Agadeer  Bomba,*  which  they  refused; 
but,  as  Adams  understood,  they  were  willing  to  take 
them  to  a  place  called  Suerra.  (5)  Not  being  ac- 
quainted with  this  place,  they  objected  to  go  thith- 
er ;  but  when  the}*  began  to  learn  the  language, 
they  found  that  what  was  called  Suerra,  meant 
Mogadore,  The  Mate  and  Newsham  remained  only 
a  few  days  at  the  place  at  which  they  were  stop- 
ping, when  they  went  away  with  some  of  the  Moors 
in  a  northerly  direction.  It  was  very  much  the  de- 
sire of  Adams  and  Stevens  to  continue  in  company 
with  the  Mate  and  the  others,  but  they  were  not 
permitted,  i6) 

Some  days  after,  it  was  proposed  by  the  Moors  to 
Adams  and  Stevens  to  accompany  them  in  an  expe- 
dition to  Soudenny  to  procure  slaves.  It  was  with 
S^reat  difficulty  they  could  understand  this  proposal, 

*  "  Agadeer  Doma."        D, 


3a  ROBERT    ADAMS'S    NARRATIVE. 

but  the  Moors  made  themselves  intelligible  by  point* 
ing  to  some  Negro  boys  who  were  employed  in 
taking  care  of  sheep  and  goats ;  and  §s  they  fre- 
quently mentioned  the  word  "  Suerra,"  Adams  at 
last  made  out,  that  if  he  and  Stevens  would  join 
in  the  expedition,  they  should  be  taken  to  that  place. 
Being  in  the  power  of  the  Moors,  they  had  no 
option,  and  having  therefore  signified  their  consent, 
the  party,  consisting  of  about  eighteen  Moors  and 
the  two  whites,  set  off  for  Soudenny,  taking  with 
them  nine  camels,  laden  with  water  and  barly  flour, 
procured  at  a  place  at  which  they  had  stopped. 
After  proceeding  two  days,  they  were  joined  by 
twelve  other  Moors,  and  three  more  camels,  and 
then  the  whole  party  set  off  to  cross  the  Desert,* 
proceeding  south  southeast;  travelling  at  first  at 
the  rate  of  from  Mteen  to  twenty  miles  a  day.  It 
was  the  expectation  of  the  Moors,  that  by  travel- 
ling at  that  rate  for  ten  days,  they  should  come  to 
a  place  where  water  was  to  be  procured ;  but  the 
weather  having  been  exceedingly  hot,  and  the  sea- 
son dry,  when  they  arrived  at  the  spot  (which  they 
did  in  ten  days)  where  the  water  was  expected, 
which  seemed  to  be  a  well  about  eight  or  nine  feet 
deep,  it  was  found  quite  dry.  By  this  time  their 
water  running  short,  they  resorted  to  the  expedient 
of  mixing  the  remainder  of  their  stock  with  the  cam- 
els' urine,  and  then  set  out  again  on  their  journey 
to  Soudenny,  pursuing  a  course  rather  more  south- 
erly, in  the  neighbourhood  of  which  they  arrived  in 
about  four  days  more.  About  two  days  journey 
from  this  place  they  appeared  to  have  left  the  De- 
sert, the  country  began  to  be  hilly,  and  they  met  with 
some  small  trees. 


*  Adams  calls  "  the  Desert"  only  those  parts  of  the  great  Sahara, 
which  consist  of  loose  sand,  without  any  traces  of  vegetation. 


ROBERT  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE.  37 

Soudenny  is  a  small  Negro  village,  having  grass 
and  shrubs  growing  about  it,  and  a  small  brook  of 
water.  The  houses  are  built  of  clay,  the  roofs  be- 
ing composed  of  sticks  laid  flat,  with  clay  on  the 
top.  For  a  week  or  thereabouts,  after  arriving  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  this  place,  the  party  conceal- 
ed themselves  amongst  the  hills  and  bushes,  lying 
in  wait  for  the  inhabitants  ;  when  they  seized  upon 
a  woman  with  a  child  in  her  arms,  and  two  children 
(boys,)  whom  they  found  walking  in  the  evening 
near  the  town.  (T) 

During  the  next  four  or  five  days  the  party  re- 
mained concealed,  when  one  evening,  as  they  were 
ail  lying  on  the  ground,  a  large  party  of  Negroes, 
(consisting  of  forty  or  fidy  men,)  made  their  ap- 
pearance, armed  with  daggers  and  bows  and  ar- 
rows, who  surrounded  and  took  them  all  prisoners, 
without  the  least  resistance  being  attempted,  and 
carried  them  into  the  town  ;  tying  the  hands  of  some, 
and  driving  the  whole  party  before  them.  During 
the  night,  above  one  hundred  Negroes  kept  watch 
over  them.  The  next  day  they  were  taken  before 
the  Governour,  or  chief  person,  named  Mahamoud, 
a  remarkably  ugly  Negro,  who  ordered  that  they 
should  all  be  imprisoned.  The  place  of  confinement 
was  a  mere  mud  wall,  about  six  feet  high,  from 
whence  they  might  readily  have  escaped  (though 
strongly  guarded,)  if  the  Moors  had  been  enterpris- 
ing ;  but  they  were  a  cowardly  set.  Here  they  were 
kept  three  or  four  days,  for  the  purpose,  as  it  after- 
wards appeared,  of  being  sent  forward  to  Tombuctoo, 
which  Adams  concluded  to  be  the  residence  of  the 
king  of  the  country. 

The  better  order  of  natives  at  Soudenny  wear 
blue  nankeen,  in  the  manner  of  a  frock;  but  are  en- 
tirely without  shoes,  hats,  or  turbans,  except  the 
Chief,  who  at  times  wears  a  blue  turban.     The  dis- 


38  ROBERT    ADAMs's    NARRATIVE. 

tinguishing  ornament  of  the  Chief  is  some  gold  work- 
ed on  the  shoulder  of  his  frock,  in  the  manner  of  an 
epaulette ;  some  of  the  officers  about  him  were  or- 
namented in  a  similar  manner,  but  with  smaller 
epaulettes.  Their  arms  were  bows  and  arrows;  the 
former  about  four  feet  long,  with  strings  made  of  the 
skin  of  some  animal  ;  the  arrows  were  about  a  foot 
and  a  half  long,  not  feathered.  The  Negroes  frequent- 
ly practised  shooting  at  small  marks  of  clay,  which 
they  scarcely  ever  missed  at  fifteen  or  twenty  yards 
distance. 

The  houses  have  only  a  ground  floor ;  and  are 
without  furniture  or  utensils,  except  wooden  bowls, 
and  mats  made  of  grass.  They  never  make  fires 
in  their  houses.  The  lower  order  of  people  wear 
blankets,  which  they  buy  from  the  Moors.  After 
remaining  about  four  days  at  Soudenny,  the  pri- 
soners were  sent  to  Tombuctoo,  under  an  escort  of 
about  sixty  armed  men,  having  about  eighteen  cam- 
els and  dromedaries. 

During  the  first  ten  days,  they  proceeded  east- 
ward at  the  rate  of  about  fifteen  to  twenty  miles  a 
day,  the  prisoners  and  most  of  the  Negroes  walk- 
ing, the  officers  riding,  two  upon  each  camel  or 
dromedary.  As  the  prisoners  were  all  impressed 
with  the  belief  that  they  were  going  to  execution, 
several  of  the  Moors  attempted  to  escape }  and  in 
consequence,  after  a  short  consultation,  fourteen 
were  put  to  death,  by  being  beheaded  at  a  small 
village  at  which  they  then  arrived  ;  and  as  a  ter- 
rour  to  the  rest,  the  head  of  one  of  them  was 
hung  round  the  neck  of  a  camel  for  three  days  until 
it  became  so  putrid  that  they  were  obliged  to  re- 
move it.  At  this  village  the  natives  wore  gold  rings 
in  their  ears,  sometimes  two  rings  in  each  ear. 
They  had  a  hole  through  the  cartilage  of  the  nose, 
wide  enough  to  admit  a  thick  quill,  in  which  Adams 


ROBERT 


ADAMS'S    NARRATIVE.  39 


saw  some  of  the   natives  wear   a  large   ring  of  an 
oval  shape,  that  hung  down  to  the  mouth. 

They  waited  only  one  day  at  this  place,  and  then 
proceeded  towards  Tombuctoo,  shaping  their  course 
to  the  northward  of  east :  and  quickening  their  pace 
to  the  rate  of  twenty  miles  a  day,  they  completed 
their  journey  in  fifteen  days. 


I    40    j 


CHAPTER   II. 

Imprisonment  of  the  Moors  at  Toinbuctoo.... Adams  an  object  of  cu*- 
riosity,  and  kindly  treated. ...King  and  Queen;  Woollo  and  Fatima 
....Their  Dress,  Ceremonies,  Residence,  and  Attendants... .Muskets 
....Curiosity  of  the  Natives  to  see  Adams. ...Tombuctoo.. ..La  Mar 
Zarah Canoes... .Fish Fruits.. ..Vegetables Grain. ...Food  pre- 
pared from  the  Guinea-corn. ...Animals. ...Heirie.... Elephant-hunt.... 
Birds  :  Ostriches. ...Sulphur.. ..Poisonous  preparation  of  the  Negroes 
for  their  Arrows.. ..Persons  and  Habits  of  the  Negroes.... Incisions  in 
their  Faces Dress Ornaments,  and  Customs Musical  Instru- 
ments....Dancing. ...Military  Excursions  against  Bambarra.... Slaves 
....Criminal  Punishments. ...Articles  of  Trade.... Jealous  precautions 
of  the  Negroes  against  the  Moors  ;  their  kindness  to  Adams. ...Rain 
....Names  of  Countries.. ..Words  in  the  Language  of  Tombuctoo. 

Upon  their  arrival  at  Tombuctoo,  the  whole  party 
was  immediately  taken  before  the  King,  who  order- 
ed the  Moors  into  prison,  but  treated  Adams  and 
the  Portuguese  boy  as  curiosities ;  taking  them  to 
his  house,  where  they  remained  during  their  resi- 
dence at  Tombuctoo. 

For  some  time  after  their  arrival,  the  Queen  and 
her  female  attendants  used  to  sit  and  look  at  Adams 
and  his  companion  for  hours  together.  She  treated 
them  with  great  kindness,  and  at  the  first  interview 
offered  them  some  bread  baked  under  ashes. 

The  King  and  Queen,  the  former  of  whom  was 
named  Woollo,  the  latter  Fatima,  (8)  were  very  old 
gray-headed  people.  The  Queen  was  extremely 
fat.  Her  dress  was  of  blue  nankeen,  edged  with 
gold  lace  round  the  bosom  and  on  the  shoulder, 
and  having  a  belt  or  a  stripe  of  the  same  material 
halfway  down  the  dress,  which  came  only  a  few 


ROBERT  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE.  41 

inches  below  the  knees.  The  dress  of  the  other 
females  of  Tombuctoo,  though  less  ornamented  than 
that  of  the  Queen,  was  in  the  same  short  fashion ; 
so  that  as  they  wore  no  close  under  garments,  they 
might,  when  sitting  on  the  ground,  as  far  as  decen- 
cy was  concerned,  as  well  have  had  no  covering  at 
all.  The  Queen's  head-dress  consisted  of  a  blue 
nankeen  turban ;  but  this  was  worn  only  upon  occa- 
sions of  ceremony,  or  when  she  walked  out.  Be- 
sides the  turban,  she  had  her  hair  stuck  full  of  bone 
ornaments  of  a  square  shape,  about  the  size  of  dice, 
extremely  white ;  she  had  large  g6ld  hoop  ear- 
rings, and  many  necklaces,  some  of  them  of  gold, 
the  others  made  of  beads  of  various  colours.  She 
wore  no  shoes ;  and,  in  consequence,  her  feet  ap- 
peared to  be  as  hard  and  dry  "  as  the  hoofs  of  an 
ass."* 

Besides  the  blue  nankeen  dress  just  described, 
the  Queen  sometimes  wore  an  under-dress  of  white 
muslin ;  at  other  times  a  red  one.  This  colour  was 
produced  by  the  juice  of  a  red  root  which  grows  in 
the  neighbourhood,  about  a  foot  and  a  half  long. 
Adams  never  saw  any  silks  worn  by  the  Queen  or 
any  other  inhabitant  of  Tombuctoo ;  for,  although 
they  have  some  silks  brought  by  the  Moors,  they 
appeared  to  be  used  entirely  for  purposes  of  ex- 
ternal trade. 

The  dress  of  the  King  was  a  blue  nankeen  frock 
decorated  with  gold,  having  gold  epaulettes,  and 
a  broad  wristband  of  the  same  metal.  He  sometimes 
wore  a  turban;  but  often  went  bare-headed.  (9) 
When  he  walked  through  the  town,  he  was  generally 
a  little  in  advance  of  his  party.  His  subjects  saluted 
him  by  inclinations  of  the  head  and  body ;  or  by 
touching  his  head  with  their  hands,  and  then  kissing 

*  Adams's  expression. 
6 


42 

their  hands.  When  he  received  his  subjects  in  his 
palace,  it  was  his  custom  to  sit  on  the  ground,  and 
their  mode  of  saluting  him  on  such  occasions  was  by 
kissing  his  head. 

The  King's  house,  or  palace,  which  is  built  of  clay 
and  grass,  (not  white-washed)  consists  of  eight  or 
ten  small  rooms  on  the  ground  floor ;  and  is  surround- 
ed by  a  wall  of  the  same  materials,  against  part  of 
which  the  house  is  built.  The  space  within  the 
wall  is  about  half  an  acre.  Whenever  a  trader  ar- 
rives, he  is  required  to  bring  his  merchandise  into 
this  space  for  the  inspection  of  the  King,  for  the 
purpose,  Adams  thinks,  (but  is  not  certain,)  of  duties 
being  charged  upon  it.  (10j  The  King's  attendants, 
who  are  with  him  all  the  day,  generally  consist  of 
about  thirty  persons,  several  of  whom  are  armed 
with  daggers  and  bows  and  arrows.  Adams  does 
not  know  if  he  had  any  family. 

In  a  store-room  of  the  King's  house  Adams  ob- 
served about  twenty  muskets,  apparently  of  French 
manufacture,  one  of  them  double-barrelled;  but  he 
never  saw  them  made  use  of.  (n) 

For  a  considerable  time  after  the  arrival  of  Adams 
and  his  companion,  the  people  used  to  come  in 
crowds  to  stare  at  them;  and  he  afterwards  under- 
stood that  many  persons  came  several  days' journey 
on  purpose.  The  Moors  remained  closely  confined 
in  prison  ;  but  Adams  and  the  Portuguese  boy  had 
permission  to  visit  them.  At  the  end  of  about  six 
months,  there  arrived  a  company  of  trading  Moors 
with  tobacco,  who  after  some  weeks  ransomed 
the  whole  party.  Adams  does  not  know  the  pre- 
cise quantity  of  tobacco  which  was  paid  for  them, 
but  it  consisted  ot  the  lading  of  five  camels,  with 
the  exception  of  about  fifty  pounds  weight  reserved 
by  the  Moors.  These  Moors  seemed  to  be  well 
known  at  Tombuctoo,  which  place,  he  understood, 


4 


ROBERT  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE.  43 

they  were  accustomed  to  visit  every  year  during  the 
rainy  season. 


Tombuctoo  is  situated  on  a  level  plain,  having  a 
river  about  two  hundred  yards  from  the  town,  on 
the  south-east  side,  named  LaMar  Zarah*  The  town 
appeared  to  Adams  to  cover  as  much  ground  as  Lisbon. 
He  is  unable  to  give  any  idea  of  the  number  of  its  in- 
habitants; but  as  the  houses  are  not  built  in  streets, 
or  with  any  regularity,  its  population,  compared 
with  that  of  the  European  towns,  is  by  no  means  in 
proportion  to  its  size.  It  has  no  walls,  nor  any 
thing  resembling  fortification.  The  houses  are 
square,  built  of  sticks,  clay,  and  grass,  with  flat 
roofs  of  the  same  materials.  The  rooms  are  all  on 
the  ground  floor,  and  are  without  any  article  of  fur- 
niture, except  earthen  jars,  wooden  bowls,  and  mats 
made  of  grass,  upon  which  the  people  sleep.  He 
did  not  observe  any  houses,  or  any  other  buildings, 
constructed  of  stone.  (12) 

The  river  La  Mar  Zarah  is  about  three  quarters 
of  a  mile  wide  at  Tombuctoo,  and  appears  to  have, 
in  this  place,  but  little  current,  flowing  to  the  south- 
west. About  two  miles  from  the  town  to  the  south- 
ward it  runs  between  two  high  mountains,  appa- 
rently as  high  as  the  mountains  which  Adams  saw  in 
Barbary  :  here  it  is  about  half  a  mile  wide.  The 
water  of  La  Mar  Zarah  is  rather  brackish,  but  is 
commonly  drunk  by  the  natives ;  there  not  being, 
as  Adams  believes,  any  wells  at  Tombuctoo.  (13) 
The  vessels  used  by  the  natives  are  small  canoes 
for  fishing,  the   largest  of  which  is  about  ten  feet 

*  Or  La  Mar  Zahr.     It  was  not  easy  to  fix  the  probable  orthography 
of  African  names,  from  Adams's  indistinct  pronunciation. 


¥ 


44  ROBERT  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE. 

long,  capable  of  carrying  three  men :  they  are  built 
of  fig-trees  hollowed  out,  and  caulked  with  grass, 
and  are  worked  with  paddles  about  six  feet  long.  (14) 
The  river  is  well  stored  with  fish,  chiefly  of  a  sort 
which  Adams  took  for  the  red  mullet:  there  is  also 
a  large  red  fish,  in  shape  somewhat  like  a  salmon, 
and  having  teeth  ;  he  thinks  it  is  the  same  fish  which 
is  known  in  New  York  by  the  name  of  "  sheep's- 
head."  The  common  mode  of  cooking  the  fish  is 
by  boiling;  but  they  never  take  out  the  entrails. 

The  principal  fruits  at  Tombuctoo  are  cocoa-nuts, 
dates,  figs,  pine-apples,  and  a  sweet  fruit  about  as 
large  as  an  apple,  with  a  stone   about  the  size  of  a 

Elum  stone.  This  latter  was  greatly  esteemed ;  and 
eing  scarce,  was  preserved  with  care  for  the  Roy- 
al Family.  The  leaves  of  this  fruit  resembled  those 
of  a  peach.  (,f) 

The  vegetables  are  carrots,  turnips,  sweet  pota- 
toes, negro-beans,  and  cabbages;  but  the  latter  are 
eaten  very  small,  and  never  grow  to  a  solid  head. 

The  grain  is  principally  rice  and  Guinea-corn. 
The  cultivation  of  the  soil  at  Tombuctoo  requires 
very  little  labour,  and  is  chiefly  performed  with  a 
kind  of  hoe  which  the  natives  procure  from  the 
Moors,  and  which  appears  to  be  their  only  implement 
of  husbandry.  Adams  never  observed  any  cattle 
used  in  agriculture. 

The  Guinea-corn  grows  five  or  six  feet  high,  with 
a  bushy  head  as  large  as  a  pint  bottle,  the  grain 
being  about  the  size  of  a  mustard  seed,  of  which 
each  head  contains  about  a  double  handful.  This 
they  beat  upon  a  stone  until  they  extract  all  the 
seed,  and  then  they  put  it  between  two  flat  stones 
and  grind  it.  These  operations  are  performed  by 
one  person.  The  meal,  when  ground,  is  sifted 
through  a  small  sieve  made  of  grass.  The  coarse 
stuff  is  boiled  for  some  time,  after  which  the  flour 


NARRATIVE.  45 

is  mixed  with  it,  and  when  well  boiled  together,  it 
makes  a  thick  mess  like  burgoo.  This  is  put  into 
a  wooden  dish,  and  a  hole  being  made  in  the  middle 
of  the  mess,  some  goats'  milk  is  poured  into  it.  The 
natives  then  sit  on  the  ground,  men,  women  and 
children,  indiscriminately  round  the  mess  thus  pre- 
pared, and  eat  it  with  their  fingers.  Even  the  King 
and  Queen  do  the  same,  having  neither  spoons, 
knives,  nor  forks.  In  the  preparation  of  this  food 
for  the  King  and  Queen,  they  sometimes  use  butter, 
which  is  produced  from  goats'  milk;  and  though 
soft  and  mixed  with  hair,  it  appeared  to  be  consider- 
ed a  great  dainty.  Some  of  the  bowls  out  of  which 
the  natives  eat  are  made  of  cocoa-nut  shells;  but 
most  of  them  are  of  the  trunk  of  the  fig-tree  hollow- 
ed out  with  chisels. 

The  animals  are  elephants,  cows,  goats,  (no 
horses,)  (w)  asses,  camels,  dromedaries,  dogs,  rab- 
bits, antelopes,  and  an  animal  called  heirie,  of  the 
shape  of  a  camel,  but  much  smaller.  These  latter 
are  only  used  by  the  Negroes  for  riding,  as  they  are 
stubborn,  and  unfit  to  carry  other  burdens :  they  are 
excessively  fleet,  and  will  travel  for  days  together  at 
the  rate  of  fifty  miles  a  day.  The  Moors  were  very 
desirous  of  purchasing  these  animals,  but  the  Ne- 
groes refused  to  sell  them.  (1T) 

The  elephants  are  taken  by  shooting  with  ar- 
rows pointed  with  a  metal  like  steel,  about  a  foot 
long,  and  exceedingly  sharp.  These  arrows  are  steep- 
ed in  a  liquid  of  a  black  colour ;  and  when  the  ani- 
mal is  wounded  they  let  him  go,  but  keep  him  in 
sight  for  three  or  four  days,  at  the  end  of  which  he 
expires  from  the  effects  of  the  wound.  Adams  never 
saw  more  than  one  killed,  which  was  at  the  distance 
of  about  two  miles  from  the  town.  He  was  one 
evening  speaking  to  a  Negro,  when  they  heard  a 
whistling  noise  at  a  distance:    as  soon* as  it  was 


46 

heard,  the  Negro  said  it  was  an  elephant,  and  next 
morning  at  day-light  he  set  off  with  his  bow  and  ar- 
rows in  pursuit  of  him.     Adams,  and  the  Portuguese 
boy,   and   many  of  the   town's  people  accompanied 
him,  until  they  came  within  about  three  quarters  of 
a  mile  of  the   elephant,  but  were  afraid  to   go  any 
nearer  on  account  of  his  prodigious  size.     The  Ne- 
gro  being  mounted  on  a  heirie,  went  close  to  him, 
riding  at  speed  past  his  head :  as  he  passed  him  he 
discharged  an  arrow,  which  struck  the  elephant  near 
the  shoulder,  which  instantly  started,  and  went  in 
pursuit  of  the  man,  striking   his   trunk  against  the 
ground  with  violence,  and  making  a  most  tremendous 
roaring,  which  "  might  have  been  heard  three  miles 
off."     Owing  to  thefleetness  of  the  heirie,  which  ran 
the  faster  from   fear,  the  elephant  was  soon  left  at 
a  distance;    and  three  days   afterwards   was  found 
lying  on  the  ground  in  a  dying  state,  about  a  mile 
from  the  spot  where  it  was  shot.     According  to  the 
best  of  Adams's  recollection,  it  was  at  least  twenty 
feet  high ;  and  though  of  such  an  immense  size,  the 
natives  said  it  was  a  young  one.     The  legs  were   as 
thick  as  Adams's  body  (18j  The  first  operation  of  the 
Negroes   was  to  take  out  the  four  tusks,  the  two 
largest  of  which  were  about  fi\e  feet  long.     They 
then  cut  off  the  legs,  and  pieces  of  lean  from   the 
hinder  parts  of  the  body,  and  carried  them  home ; 
where  they  skinned  the  flesh,  and  then  exposed  it  to 
dry   in  the  sun   for  two  days.      It  was  afterwards 
boiled,    but  proved  to    Adams's  taste   coarse    food, 
the  grain  of  the  meat  being  as  thick  as  a  straw,  and 
of  a  very  strong  flavour.     The  only  thing  eaten  with 
it  was   salt,  which  is   procured   from  a  place  called 
Tudenny  Wells,  which  will  be  spoken  of  hereafter* 
Upon  the  occasion  of  the  elephant  being  killed,  the 
Negroes  were  greatly  delighted ;  and    Adams  fre- 
quently  laughed  with  them,  at  the  recollection  of 


NARRATIVE.  47 

their  appearance  as  they  stood  round  the  dead  car- 
cass, all  laughing  and  shewing  their  white  teeth  at 
once,  which  formed  a  ridiculous  contrast  with  their 
black  faces. 

The  other  wild  animals  which  Adams  saw  were 
foxes,  porcupines,  baboons,  wolves,  and  a  large 
species  of  rat  which  frequents  the  river.  He  does 
not  appear  to  have  seen  either  hippopotami  or  aliga- 
tors.  (19) 

Besides  these,  there  is  in  the  vicinity  of  Tombuc- 
too  a  most  extraordinary  animal  named  courcoo,  some- 
what resembling  a  very  large  dog,  but  having  an 
opening  or  hollow  on  its  back  like  a  pocket,  in  which 
it  carries  its  prey.  (^°)  It  has  short  pointed  ears 
and  a  short  tail.  Its  skin  is  of  an  uniform  reddish- 
brown  on  its  back,  like  a  fox,  but  its  belly  is  of  a 
light-gray  colour.  It  will  ascend  trees  with  great 
agility  and  gather  cocoa-nuts,  which  Adams  suppos- 
es to  be  a  part  of  its  food.  But  it  also  devours  goats 
and  even  young  children,  and  the  Negroes  were 
greatly  afraid  of  it.     Its  cry  is  like  that  of  an  owl. 

The  wolves  are  destructive  to  asses  as  well  as 
goats.  The  foxes  frequently  carry  off  young  goats 
and  Guinea-fowls,  particularly  the  former.  Although 
he  never  saw  either  lions,  tigers,  or  wild  cats;  yet 
the  roaring  of  animals  of  these  descriptions  was 
heard  every  night  in  the  neighbouring  mountains.  (21) 

The  domestick  birds  are  Guinea-fowls.  The  wild 
birds  are  ostriches,  eagles,  crows,  owls,  green  par- 
rots, a  large  brown  bird  that  lives  upon  fish,  and 
several  smaller  birds.  He  does  not  recollect  to  have 
seen  any  swallows.  (22) 

The  ostriches  are  about  double  the  size  of  a  tur- 
key, quite  wild,  and  go  in  "flocks.  When  any  are  ob- 
served in  the  day  time,  the  place  where  they  resort 
is  marked,  and  they  are  caught  at  night  by  men 
mounted  on  heiries,  who  strike  them  with  sticks* 


■ 


4&  ROBERT    ADAMSES 


NARRATIVE. 


When  they  are  first  caught  their  feathers  are  very 
beautiful.  The  flesh  of  the  ostrich  is  cooked  with- 
out being  previously  dried  in  the  sun,  and  is  good 
eating,  as  well  as  the  eggs,  which  are  boiled:  in 
fact,  almost  every  thing  which  the  Negroes  of  Tom- 
buctoo  eat  is  boiled. 

The  principal  animal  food  eaten  by  the  Negroes 
is  goats'  flesh.  Adams  did  not  see  more  than  one 
cow  killed  during  his  stay;  and  then,  he  thinks,,  it 
was  on  account  of  the  animal's  being  in  a  declining 
state.  The  cows  are  very  small,  and  but  few  in  num- 
ber: some  of  them  are  milk-white;  but  the  colour  of 
the  greater  part  is  red. 

There  are  two  sorts  of  ants  at  Tombuctoo ;  the 
largest  black,  the  smallest  red ;  which  appear  at 
times  in  prodigious  numbers.  He  has  also  seen  bees 
there  ;  but  he  has  no  recollection  of  having  seen  any 
honey. 

Having  occasionally  at  night  seen  a  light  like  fire 
on  the  mountains  to  the  southward  of  the  town, 
Adams  had  the  curiosity  to  visit  them,  and  found 
a  considerable  quantity  of  sulphur,  which  the  na- 
tives collected.  The  only  use  to  which  he  has  seen 
them  apply  this  mineral,  was  to  mix  it  with  a  sub- 
stance in  black  lumps  which  looked  like  opium,  (23) 
for  the  purpose  of  making  a  liquid  into  which  they 
dipped  the  heads  of  their  arrows.  It  was  with  an  ar- 
row so  prepared  that  the  elephant,  before  spoken  of, 
was  killed. 

The  natives  of  Tombuctoo  are  a  stout,  healthy 
race,  and  are  seldom  sick,  although  they  expose 
themselves  by  lying  out  in  the  sun  at  mid-day, 
when  the  heat  is  almost  insupportable  to  a  white 
man.  It  is  the  universal  practice  of  both  sexes  to 
grease  themselves  all  over  with  butter  produced 
from  goats'  milk,  which  makes  the  skin  smooth,  and 
gives  it  a  shining  appearance.     This  is  usually  re- 


ROBERT    ADAMS'S     NARRATIVE.  49 

newed  every  day  ;  when  neglected,  the  skin  becomes 
rough,  grayish,  and  extremely  ugly.  They  usually 
sleep  under  cover  at  night ;  but  sometimes,  in  the 
hottest  weather,  they  will  lie  exposed  to  the  night 
air  with  little  or  no  covering,  notwithstanding  that 
the  fog  which  rises  from  the  river  descends  like 
dew,  and  in  fact,  at  that  season,  supplies  the  want  of 
rain. 

All  the  males  of  Tombuctoo  have  an  incision  on 
their  faces  from  the  top  of  the  forehead  down  to  the 
nose,  from  which  proceed  other  lateral  incisions  over 
the  eyebrows,  into  all  of  which  is  inserted  a  blue 
dye,  produced  from  a  kind  of  ore  which  is  found  in 
the  neighbouring  mountains.  The  women  have  al- 
so incisions  on  their  faces,  but  in  a  different  fashion ; 
the  lines  being  from  two  to  five  in  number,  cut  on 
each  cheek  bone,  from  the  temple  straight  down- 
wards :  they  are  also  stained  with  blue.  These  in- 
cisions being  made  on  the  faces  of  both  sexes  when 
they  are  about  twelve  months  old,  the  dying  mate- 
rial which  is  inserted  in  them  becomes'  scarcely 
visible  as  they  grow  up.  (25) 

Except  the  King  and  Queen  and  their  companions, 
who  had  a  change  of  dress  about  once  a  week,  the 
people  were  in  general  very  dirty,  sometimes  not 
washing  themselves  for  twelve  or  fourteen  days  to- 
gether. Besides  the  Queen,  who,  as  has  been  al- 
ready stated,  wore  a  profusion  of  ivory  and  bone 
ornaments  in  her  hair,  some  of  a  square  shape,  and 
others  about  as  thick  as  a  shilling,  but  rather  small- 
er, (strings  of  which  she  also  wore  about  her  wrists 
and  ancles)  many  of  the  women  were  decorated  in  a 
similar  manner;  and  they  seemed  to  consider  hardly 
any  favour  too  great  to  be  conferred  on  the  person 
who  would  make  them  a  present  of  these  precious 
ornaments.  Gold  ear-rings  were  much  worn.  Some 
of  the  women  had  also  rings  on  their  fingers ;  but 

7 


50  ROBERT    ADAMs's    NARRATIVEr 

these  appeared  to  Adams  to  be  of  brass ;  and  as 
many  of  the  latter  had  letters  upon  them  (but  whe- 
ther in  the  Roman  or  Arabick  characters  Adams  can?- 
not  tell)  he  concluded  both  from  this  circumstance, 
and  from  their  workmanship,  that  they  were  not 
made  by  the  Negroes,  but  obtained  from  the  Moor- 
ish traders. 

The  ceremony  of  marriage  amongst  the  upper 
ranks  at  Tombuctoo,  is  for  the  bride  -to  go  in  the  day 
time  to  the  King's  house,  and  to  remain  there  until 
after  sunset,  when  the  man  who  is  to  be  her  husband 
goes  to  fetch  her  away.  This  is  usually  followed 
by  a  feast  the  same  night,  and  a  dance.  Adams 
did  not  observe  what  ceremonies  were  used  in  the 
marriages  of  the  lower  classes. 

As  it  is  common  to  have  several  concubines,  be- 
sides a  wife,  the  women  are  continually  quarrelling 
and  fighting.  But  there  is  a  marked  difference  in 
the  degree  of  respect  with  which  they  are  each  treat- 
ed by  the  husband  ;  the  wife  always  having  a  decid- 
ed preeminence.  (26)  The  Negroes,  however,  ap- 
peared to  Adams  to  be  jealous  and  severe  with  all 
their  women,  frequently  beating  them  for  apparently 
very  little  cause. 

The  women  appear  to  suffer  very  little  from  child- 
birth, and  they  will  be  seen  walking  about  as  usual 
the  day  after  such  an  event.  It  is  their  practice  to 
grease  a  child  all  over  soon  after  its  birth,  and  to  ex- 
pose it  for  about  an  hour  to  the  sun  :  the  infants 
are  at  first  of  a  reddish  colour,  but  become  black  in 
three  or  four  days. 

Illicit  intercourse  appeared  to  be  but  little  regard- 
ed amongst  the  lower  orders ;  and  chastity  amongst 
the  women  in  general  seemed  to  be  preserved  only  so 
far  as  their  situations  or  circumstances  rendered  it 
necessary  for  their  personal  safety  or  convenience. 
In  the  higher  ranks,  if  a  woman  prove  with  child,  the 


ROBERT    ADAMSES    NARRATIVE.  5i 

man  is  punished  with  slavery,  unless  he  will  take  the 
woman  for  his  wife  and  maintain  her.  Adams  knew 
an  instance  of  a  young  man,  who,  having  refused  to 
marry  a  woman  by  whom  he  had  a  child,  was  on 
that  account  condemned  to  slavery.  He  afterwards 
repented ;  but  was  not  then  permitted  to  retract  his 
refusal,  and  was  sent  away  to  be  sold. 

The  practice  of  procuring  abortion  is  very  com- 
mon. Adams  -was  informed  that  in  cases  of  preg- 
nancy from  illicit-  intercourse,  where  the  woman 
would  not  submit  to  this  alternative,  it  was  no  un- 
usual thing  for  the  father  secretly  to  poison  her. 

The  Negroes  of  Tombuctoo  are  very  vehement 
in  their  quarrels.  When  they  strike  with  their  fists 
they  use  the  under  part  of  the  hand,  as  if  knocking 
with  a  hammer  ;  but  their  principal  mode  of  offence 
is  by  biting.  On  the  whole,  however,  they  are  a 
good  natured  people ;  and  always  treated  Adams 
with  the  greatest  kindness. 

It  does  not  appear  that  they  have  any  publick  re- 
ligion, as  they  have  no  house  of  worship,  no  priest, 
and  as  far  as  Adams  could  discover,  never  meet  to- 
gether to  pray.  He  has  seen  some  of  the  Negroes 
who  were  circumcised  ;  but  he  concluded,  that  they 
had  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Moors,  or  had  been 
resident  at  Tudenny.  (27) 

The  only  ceremony  that  appeared  like  the  act  of 
prayer  was  on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of  any  of 
the  inhabitants,  when  their  relatives  assembled  and 
sat  round  the  corpse.  The  burial  is  unattended  with 
any  ceremony.  The  deceased  are  buried  in  the 
clothes  in  which  they  die,  at  a  small  distance  to  -the 
southwest  of  the  town. 

Adams  does  not  believe  that  any  of  the  Negroes 
could  write,  as  he  never  saw  any  of  them  attempt  it; 
their  accounts  appeared  to  be  kept  by  notching 
sticks.  Almost  all  the  Moors,  on  the  contrary,  are 
able  to  write. 


52  ROBERT    ADAMS'S    NARRATIVE. 

Their  only  physicians  are  old  women,  who  cure 
diseases  and  wounds  by  the  application  of  simples. 
Adams  had  a  wen  on  the  back  of  his  right  hand,  the 
size  of  a  large  egg ;  which  one  of  the  women  cured 
in  about  a  month  by  rubbing  it  and  applying  a  plas- 
ter of  herbs.  (38)  They  cure  the  tooth-ache  by  the 
application  of  a  liquid  prepared  from  roots ;  which 
frequently  causes  not  only  the  defective  tooth  to  fall 
out,  but  one  or  two  others. 

He  never  saw  any  of  the  Negroes  blind  but  such 
as  were  very  old  ;  of  these,  judging  from  their  ap- 
pearance, he  thinks  he  has  seen  some  upwards  of 
one  hundred  years  of  age.  Children  are  obliged  to 
support  their  parents  in  their  old  age;  but  when  old 
people  are  childless,  there  is  a  house  for  their  re- 
ception, in  which  they  live,  four  or  five  in  a  room,  at 
the  cost  of  the  King. 

The  only  tools  which  the  Negroes  appeared  to 
possess  (besides  the  hoes  and  chisels  previously 
mentioned)  were  knives  and  small  hatchets,  with 
which  they  cut  their  timber,  and  a  few  other  rough 
instruments  of  iron,  which  they  procured  from  the 
Moors.  Adams  does  not  remember  ever  to  have 
seen  a  saw. 

Their  musical  instruments  are,  1st,  a  sort  of  fife 
made  of  reeds ;  2d,  a  kind  of  tambourine  covered 
with  goat  skin,  within  which  are  ostrich  quills  laid 
across  in  such  a  manner,  that  when  the  skin  is  struck 
with  the  hand,  the  quills  jar  against  it;  3d,  an  instru- 
ment which  they  call  bandera,  made  of  several  cocoa- 
nut  shells  tied  together  with  thongs  of  goat  skin, 
and  covered  with  the  same  material ;  a  hole  at  the 
top  of  the  instrument  is  covered  with  strings  of  leath- 
er or  tendons,  drawn  tightly  across  it,  on  which  the 
performer  plays  with  the  fingers  in  the  manner  of  a 
guitar. 


ROBERT    ADAMSES    NARRATIVE.  53 

Their  principal  and  favourite  amusement  is  danc- 
ing, which  takes  place  about  once  a  week  in  the 
town,  when  a  hundred  dancers  or  more  assemble, 
men,  women  and  children,  but  the  greater  number 
men.  Whilst  they  are  engaged  in  the  dance  they 
sing  extremely  loud  to  the  musick  of  the  tambourine, 
fife,  and  bandera  ;  so  that  the  noise  they  make  may 
be  heard  all  over  the  town.  They  dance  in  a  circle, 
and  (when  this  amusement  continues  till  the  night) 
generally  round  a  fire.  Their  usual  time  of  begin- 
ning is  about  two  hours  before  sunset,  and  the  dance 
not  unfrequently  lasts  all  night.  The  men  have 
the  most  of  the  exercise  in  these  sports  whilst  day- 
light lasts,  the  women  continuing  nearly  in  one  spot, 
and  the  men  dancing  to  and  from  them.  (29)  During 
this  time  the  dance  is  conducted  with  some  decency; 
but  when  night  approaches,  and  the  women  take  a 
more  active  part  in  the  amusement,  their  thin  and 
short  dresses,  and  the  agility  of  their  actions,  are  lit- 
tle calculated  to  admit  of  the  preservation  of  any  de- 
corum. 

It  has  been  already  stated,  that  Adams  can  form 
no  idea  of  the  population  of  Tombuctoo;  but  he 
thinks  that  once  he  saw  as  many  as  two  thousand 
persons  assembled  at  one  place.  This  was  on  the  oc- 
casion of  a  party  of  five  hundred  men  going  out  to 
make  war  in  Bambarra.  (30)  The  day  after  their 
departure  they  were  followed  by  a  great  number  of 
camels,  dromedaries,  and  heiries,  laden  with  provi- 
sions. Such  of  these  people  as  afterwards  returned, 
came  back  in  parties  of  forty  or  •fifty;  many  of  them 
did  not  return  at  all  whilst  Adams  remained  at  Tom- 
buctoo ;  but  he  never  heard  that  any  of  them  had 
been  killed. 

About  once  a  month  a  party  of  a  hundred  or  more 
armed  men  marched  out  in  a  similar  manner  to  pro- 
cure slaves.     These   armed  partias   were  all  on  foot 


M         ROBERT  ADAMSES  NARRATIVE. 

except  the  officers ;  they  were  usually  absent  from 
one  week  to  a  month,  and  at  times  brought  in  con- 
siderable numbers.  The  slaves  were  generally  a 
different  race  of  people  from  those  of  Tombuctoo, 
and  differently  clothed,  their  dress  being  for  the 
most  part  of  coarse  white  linen  or  cotton.  He  once 
saw  amongst  them  a  woman  who  had  her  teeth  filed 
round,  he  supposes  by  way  of  ornament ;  and  as 
they  were  very  long  they  resembled  crow-quills. 
The  greatest  number  of  slaves  that  he  recollects  to 
have  seen  brought  in  at  one  time,  were  about  twenty, 
and  these  he  was  informed  were  from  the  place  call- 
ed Bambarra,  lying  to  the  southward  and  westward 
of  Tombuctoo;  which  he  understood  to  be  the  coun- 
try whither  the  aforesaid  parties  generally  went  out 
in  quest  of  them. 

The  slaves  thus  brought  in  were  chiefly  women 
and  children,  who,  after  being  detained  a  day  or  two 
at  the  King's  house,  were  sent  away  to  other  parts 
for  sale.  (31)  The  returns  for  them  consisted  of 
blue  nankeens,  blankets,  barley,  tobacco,  and  some- 
times gunpowder.  This  latter  article  appeared  to 
be  more  valuable  than  gold,  of  which  double 
the  weight  was  given  in  barter  for  gunpowder. 
Their  manner  of  preserving  it  was  in  skins.  It  was, 
however,  never  used  at  Tombuctoo,  except  as  an 
article  of  trade. 

Although  the  King  was  despotick,  and  could  com- 
pel his  subjects  to  take  up  arms  when  he  required 
it,  yet  it  did  not  appear  that  they  were  slaves  whom 
he  might  sell,  or  employ  as  such  generally ;  the 
only  actual  slaves  being  such  as  were  brought  from 
other  countries,  or  condemned  criminals.  Of  the 
latter  class  only  twelve  persons  were  condemned  to 
slavery  during  the  six  months  of  Adams's  residence 
at  Tombuctoo.  The  offences  of  which  they  had 
been  guilty  were  poisoning,  theft,  and  refusing  to  join 


ROBERT    ADAMs's    NARRATIVE.  65 

a  party  sent  out  to  procure  slaves  from  foreign  coun- 
tries. 

Adams  never  saw  any  individual  put  to  death  at 
Tombuctoo,  (32)  the  punishment  for  heavy  offences 
being,  as  has  just  been  stated,  slavery ;  for  slighter 
misdemeanours  the  offenders  are  punished  with 
beating  with  a  stick;  but  in  no  case  is  this  punish- 
ment very  severe,  seldom  exceeding  two  dozen 
blows,  with  a  stick  of  the  thickness  of  a  small  walk- 
ing cane. 

Adams  did  not  observe  any  shops  at  Tombuc- 
too. (33)  The  goods  brought  for  sale,  which  consisted 
chiefly  of  tobacco,  4ar,  gunpowder,  blue  nankeens, 
blankets,  earthen  jars,  and  some  silks,  are  obtained 
from  the  Moors,  and  remain  in  the  King's  house,  un- 
til they  are  disposed  of.  The  only  other  objects  of 
trade  appeared  to  be  slaves. 

The  principal  articles  given  in  exchange  in  trade 
by  the  people  of  Tombuctoo,  are  gold  dust,  ivory, 
gum,  cowries,  ostrich  feathers,  and  goat  skins ; 
which  latter  they  stain  red  and  yellow.  Adams  has 
seen  a  full-grown  slave  bought  for  forty  or  fifty 
cowries.  (34)  He  never  saw  the  Negroes  find  any 
gold,  but  he  understood  that  it  was  procured  out  of 
the  mountains,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  to  the 
southward  of  Tombuctoo. 

The  Negroes  consume  the  tobacco  both  in  snuff 
and  for  smoking ;  for  the  latter  purpose  they  use 
pipes,  the  tubes  of  which  are  made  of  the  leg  bones 
of  ostriches. 

The  chief  use  to  which  they  apply  the  tar  brought 
by  the  Moors,  is  to  protect  the  camels  and  other 
animals  from  the  attacks  of  large  green  flies,  which 
are  very  numerous,  and  greatly  distress  them. 
Adams  has  sometimes  seen  tar  water  mixed  with  the 
food  of  the  natives  as  medicine,  which  made  it  so 
nauseous  to  his  taste  that  he  could  not  eat  it.     The 


56 

Negroes,  however,  did  not  appear  to  have  the  same 
dislike  to  it;  from  which  he  infers,  that  the  use  of 
tar-water  in  their  food,  was  frequent,  though  he  only 
saw  it  four  or  five  times.  None  of  the  persons  whom 
he  saw  using  it  were  in  bad  health  at  the  time. 

During  the  whole  of  Adams's  residence  at  Tom- 
buctoo,  he  never  saw  any  other  Moors  than  those 
whom  he  accompanied  thither,  and  the  ten  by  whom 
they  were  ransomed ;  and  he  understood  from  the 
Moors  themselves,  that  they  were  not  allowed  to  go 
in  large  bodies  to  Tombuctoo.  (35)  He  did  not  see 
any  mosque  or  large  place  of  worship  there  ;  and  he 
does  not  think  that  they  had  any. 

Neither  Adams  nor  the  Portuguese  boy  were  ever 
subjected  to  any  restraint  whilst  they  remained  at 
Tombuctoo.  They  were  allowed  as  much  food,  and 
as  often  as  they  pleased  ;  and  were  never  required 
to  work.  In  short,  they  never  experienced  any  act 
of  incivility  or  unkindness  from  any  of  the  Negroes, 
except  when  they  were  taken  prisoners  in  company 
with  the  Moors  engaged  in  stealing  them.  (S6) 
Adams  could  not  hear  that  any  white  man  but  them- 
selves had  ever  been  seen  in  the  place ;  and  he 
believes,  as  well  from  what  he  was  told  by  the 
Moors,  as  from  the  uncommon  curiosity  which  he 
excited  (though  himself  a  very  dark  man,  with  short 
curly  black  hair,)  that  they  never  had  seen  one  be- 
fore. (37) 

There  was  no  fall  of  rain  during  his  residence  at 
Tombuctoo,  except  a  few  drops  just  before  his  de- 
parture; and  he  understood  from  the  Negroes,  that 
they  had  usually  little  or  none,  except  during  the 
three  months  of  winter,  which  is  the  only  season 
when  the  desert  can  be  crossed,  on  account  of  the 
heat.  (38)  In  some  years,  Adams  was  informed, 
when  the  season  had  been  unusually  dry,  there  was 
great  distress  at  Tombuctoo  for  want  of  provisions  : 
but  no  such  want  was  felt  whilst  he  was  there* 


ROBERT  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE.  57 

He  never  proceeded  to  the  southward  of  Tom- 
buctoo,  further  than  about  two  miles  from  the  town, 
to  the  mountains  before  spoken  of;  and  he  never  saw 
the  river  Joliba:  but  he  had  heard  it  mentioned; 
and  was  told  at  Tudenny,  that  it  lay  between  that 
place  and  Bambarra.  (39) 

Being  asked  the  names  of  any  other  places  which 
he  had  heard  mentioned,  he  recollected  that  the 
people  of  Tombuctoo  spoke  of  Mutnougo^  and  of  a 
very  considerable  place  to  the  eastward  called  Tua- 
rick,  to  which  they  traded.  He  had  also  often  heard 
them  mention  Mandingo,  and  Bondou ;  but  he 
cannot  recollect  what  was  said  respecting  these 
places.* 

The  following  is  a  list  of  some  of  the  words 
which  Adams  recollects  in  the  language  of  Tom- 
buctoo.  (40) 

Man,     - Jungo. 

Woman,      ------  Jumpsa. 

Camel,       -----       -  So. 

Dog,     -------  Killab. 

Cow,     -     -     -     *      -      -     -  FaUee. 

Goat,     -     -     -      -     -     -     -  Luganam. 

Sheep,     ------  JYaidsh. 

Elephant, Elfeel 

House,     -------  Dah. 

Water,     -------  Boca. 

Mountain,     - Kaddear. 

Tree,     -------  Carna. 

Date  Tree,     ------  Carna  Tomar. 

Fig  Tree,     ------  Carna  Carmoos. 

Gold,     -------  Or. 

A  Moor,     ------  Seckar. 

*  Adams  mentioned  Jinnie  to  me,  amongst  the  towns  wbich  he  had 
heard  named  by  the  Negroes  of  Tombuctoo.    D. 

8 


[  58] 


CHAPTER  III. 

Hansom  of  the  imprisoned  Moors  and  of  Adams. ...Departure  from 
Tombuctoo...  Journey  eastward  along  the  River ;  then  northward 
to  Tudenny.... Traders  in  salt. ...Tudenny... .Mixed  Population  of 
Moors  and  Negroes.... Beds  of  Rock  Salt. ...Preparations  and  De- 
parture to  cross  the  Sandy  Desert.. ..Sufferings  in  the  Desert.... 
Arrival  at  Woled  Dleim.... Employment,  and  long  detention  there.... 
Refusal  of  Adams  to  attend  to  his  tasks.... He  is  punished  for  it ; 
but  perseveres. ...Seizes  an  opportunity  of  escaping. ...Is  pursued  ;  but 
reaches  El  Kabla  ...He  is  purchased  by  the  Chief.. ..Employed  to 
tend  the  flocks  of  his  Master's  Wives.... Negotiates  with  Aisha,  the 
younger  wife,  on  the  subject  of  Wages. ...Their  bargain,  and  its 
consequences. ...Adams  flies  and  conceals  himself.. ..Is  purchased  by  a 
Trader;  and  conveyed  to  Woled  Aboussebah  ...Woled  Adrialla.... 
Aiata  Mouessa  Ali...He  attempts  to  escape. ...Is  retaken ;  and  con- 
veyed to  Wed-Noon. 

The  ten  Moors  who  had  arrived  with  the  five  ca- 
mels laden  with  tobacco,  had  been  three  weeks  at 
Tombuctoo  before  Adams  learnt  that  the  ransom  of 
himself,  the  boy,  and  the  Moors  his  former  com- 
panions, had  been  agreed  upon.  At  the  end  of  the- 
first  week  he  was  given  to  understand,  that  himself 
and  the  boy  would  be  released,  but  that  the  Moors 
would  be  condemned  to  die;  it  appeared,  however, 
afterwards,  that  in  consideration  of  all  the  tobacco 
being  given  for  the  Moors,  except  about  fifty  pounds 
weight,  which  was  expended  for  a  man  slave,  the 
King  had  agreed  to  release  all  the  prisoners. 

Two  days   after  their  release,  the   whole  party, 
consisting  of  the 

10  Moorish  traders 

14  Moorish  prisoners 


ROBERT    ADAMS's    NARRATIVE.  59 

2  white  men,  and 
1  slave, 

quitted  Tombuctoo,  having  only  the  five  camels 
which  belonged  to  the  traders  ;  those  which  were 
seized  when  Adams  and  his  party  were  made  priso- 
ners not  having  been  restored.  As  they  had  no 
means  left  of  purchasing  any  other  article,  the  only 
food  they  took  with  them  was  a  little  Guinea  corn 
flour. 

On  quitting  the  town  they  proceeded  in  an  east- 
early  course,  inclining  to  the  north,  going  along  the 
border  of  the  river,  of  which  they  sometimes  lost 
sight  for  two  days  together.  They  did  not  meet 
with  any  high  trees;  but  on  the  banks  of  the  river, 
which  were  covered  with  high  grass,  were  a  few 
low  trees,  and  some  shrubs  of  no  great  variety.  Oc- 
casionally they  came  to  a  Negro  hut.  Except  the 
two  mountains  before  spoken  of,  to  the  southward, 
between  which  the  river  runs,  there  are  none  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  Tombuctoo ;  but  at  a 
little  distance  there  are  some  small  ones. 

They  had  travelled  eastward  about  ten  days,  at 
the  rate  of  about  fifteen  to  eighteen  miles  a  day, 
when  they  saw  the  river  for  the  last  time ;  it  then 
appeared  rather  narrower  than  at  Tombuctoo.  They 
then  loaded  the  camels  with  water,  and  striking  off 
in  a  northerly  direction,  travelled  twelve  or  thirteen 
days,  at  about  the  same  pace.  In  the  course  of  this 
journey  they  saw  a  great  number  of  antelopes,  rab- 
bits, foxes,  and  wolves,  and  a  bird  somewhat  larger 
than  a  fowl,  which  the  Moors  called  Jize  ;#  it  ap- 
peared to  Adams  to  be  the  same  kind  of  bird  known 
in  America  by  the  name  of  cuckoo. 

The  soil  was  generally  covered  with  shrubs,  and 
a  low  kind  of  grass  like  moss.     Trees  were  seldom 

*  Djes,  is  the  Arabick  name  for  the  common  domestick  fowl.    D. 


BO  ROBERT    ADAMs's    NARRATIVE. 

seen,  and  those  not  large.  From  the  time  of  quit* 
ting  the  river,  the  only  persons  whom  they  saw  were 
Negro  travellers  carrying  salt  to  Tombuctoo,  of 
whom  they  met  parties  of  about  ten  or  twelve  almost 
every  day  with  dromedaries,  camels,  and  asses. 

At  the  end  of  the  thirteen  days  they  arrived  at  a 
place  called  Tudenny*  a  large  village  inhabited  by 
Moors  and  Negroes,  in  which  there  are  four  wells  of 
very  excellent  water.  At  this  place  there  are  large 
ponds  or  beds  of  salt,  which  both  the  Moors  and 
Negroes  come  in  great  numbers  to  purchase,  and 
date  and  fig  trees  of  a  large  size:  in  the  neighbour- 
hood the  ground  is  cultivated  in  the  same  manner  as 
at  Tombuctoo.  From  the  number  of  Moors,  many 
if  not  all  of  whom  were  residents,  it  appeared  that 
the  restriction  respecting  them,  existing  at  Tombuc- 
too, did  not  extend  to  Tudenny.  (41) 

The  salt  beds  which  Adams  saw  were  about  five 
or  six  feet  deep,  and  from  twenty  to  thirty  yards  in 
circumference.  The  salt  comes  up  in  hard  lumps 
mixed  with  earth,  and  part  of  it  is  red. 

The  Moors  here  are  perfectly  black;  the  only 
personal  distinction  between  them  and  the  Negroes 
being,  that  the  Moors  had  long  black  hair,  and  had 
po  scars  on  their  faces.  The  Negroes  are  in  gene- 
ral marked  in  the  same  manner  as  those  of  Tombuc- 
too. Here  the  party  staid  fourteen  days,  to  give  the 
ransomed  Moors,  whose  long  confinement  had  made 
them  weak,  time  to  recruit  their  strength ;  and  hav- 
ing sold  one  of  the  camels  for  two  sacks  of  dates  and 
a  small  ass,  and  loaded  the  four  remaining  camels 
with  water,  the  dates,  and  the  flour,  (in  the  propor- 
tion of  eight  goat  skins  of  water,  or  six  skins  of 
water    and    two    bags    of  dates   or   flour,  to  each 

*  Taudeny.        D> 


ROBERT  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE.  61 

camel)  they  set  out  to  cross  the  Desert,*  taking  a 
northwest  direction. 

They  commenced  their  journey  from  Tudenny 
about  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  having  travel- 
led the  first  day  about  twenty  miles,  they  unloaded 
the  camels,  and  lay  down  by  the  side  of  them  to 
sleep. 

The  next  day  they  entered  the  Desert ;  over  which 
they  continued  to  travel  in  the  same  direction,  nine 
and  twenty  days,  without  meeting  a  single  human 
being.  The  whole  way  was  a  sandy  plain,  like  a 
sea,  without  either  tree,  shrub  or  grass.  After  tra- 
velling in  this  manner  about  fourteen  days  at  the  rate 
of  sixteen  or  eighteen  miles  a  day,  the  people  began 
to  grow  very  weak;  their  stock  of  water  began  to 
run  short ;  and  their  provisions  were  nearly  exhaust- 
ed. The  ass  died  of  fatigue  ;  and  its  carcass  was 
immediately  cut  up  and  laden  on  the  camel,  where  it 
dried  in  the  sun,  and  served  for  food  ;  and  had  it  not 
been  for  this  supply,  some  of  the  party  must  have 
died  of  hunger.  Being  asked  if  asses'  flesh  was 
good  eating,  Adams  replied ;  "  It  was  as  good  to  my 
taste  then,  as  a  goose  would  be  now." 

In  six  days  afterwards,  during  which  their  pace 
was  slackened  to  not  more  than  twelve  miles  a  day, 
they  arrived  at  a  place  where  it  was  expected  water 
would  be  found ;  but  to  their  great  disappointment, 
owing  to  the  dryness  of  the  season,  the  hollow  place, 
of  about  thirty  yards  in  circumference,  was  found 
quite  dry. 

All  their  stock  of  water  at  this  time  consisted  of 
four  goat  skins,  and  those  not  full,  holding  from  one 
to  two  gallons  each ;  and  it  was  known  to  the  Moors 
that  they  had  then  ten  days  further  to  travel  before 
they  could  obtain  a  supply. 

*  See  Note,  p.  36. 


62 


NARRATIVE. 


In  this  distressing  dilemma,  it  was  resolved  to  mix 
the  remaining  water  with  camels'  urine.  The  allow- 
ance of  this  mixture  to  each  camel  was  only  about  a 
quart  for  the  whole  ten  days  :  each  man  was  allow- 
ed not  more  than  about  half  a  pint  a  day. 

The  Moors  who  had  been  in  confinement  at  Tom- 
buctoo  becoming  every  day  weaker,  three  of  them  in 
the  four  following  days  lay  down,  unable  to  proceed. 
They  were  then  placed  upon  the  camels  :  but  con- 
tinual exposure  to  the  excessive  heat  of  the  sun,  and 
the  uneasy  motion  of  the  camels,  soon  rendered  them 
unable  to  support  themselves,  and  towards  the  end 
of  the  second  day  they  made  another  attempt  to 
pursue  their  journey  on  foot,  but  could  not.  The 
next  morning  at  day  break  they  were  found  dead  on 
the  sand,  in  the  place  where  they  had  lain  down  at 
night,  and  were  left  behind  without  being  buried. 
The  next  day  another  of  them  lay  down ;  and,  like 
his  late  unfortunate  companions,  was  left  to  perish  : 
but  on  the  following  day  one  of  the  Moors  determin- 
ed to  remain  behind,  in  the  hope  that  he  who  had 
dropped  the  day  before  might  still  come  up,  and  be 
able  to  follow  the  party :  some  provisions  were  left 
with  him.  At  this  time  it  was  expected,  what  prov- 
ed to  be  the  fact,  that  they  were  within  a  day's  march 
of  their  town :  but  neither  of  the  men  ever  after- 
wards made  his  appearance ;  and  Adams  has  no 
doubt  that  they  perished. 

Vied  Duleim*  (the  place  at  which  they  now  ar- 
rived) was  a  village  of  tents  inhabited  entirely  by 
Moors,  who,  from  their  dress,  manners,  and  general 
appearance,  seemed  to  be  of  the  same  tribe  as  those 
of  the  encampment  to  which  Adams  was  conveyed 
from  El  Gazie.(42)  They  had  numerous  flocks  of 
sheep  and  goats,  and  two  watering  places,  near  one  of 

*  Woled  DHeim.        D. 


ROBERT    ADAMs's    NARRATIVE.  63 

which  their  tents  were  pitched;  but  the  other  lay 
nearly  fixe  miles  off. 

The  first  fortnight  after  the  arrival  of  the  party, 
was  devoted  to  their  recovery  from  the  fatigues  of 
the  journey  ;  but  as  soon  as  their  strength  was  re-es- 
tablished, Adams  and  his  companion  were  employed 
in  taking  care  of  goats  and  sheep.  Having  now  be- 
gun to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  Moorish  tongue, 
they  frequently  urged  their  masters  to  take  them  to 
Suerra ;  which  the  latter  promised  they  would  do, 
provided  they  continued  attentive  to  their  duty. 

Things,  however,  remained  in  this  state  for  ten  or 
eleven  months,  during  which  time  they  were  continu- 
ally occupied  in  tending  the  flocks  of  the  Moors. 
They  suffered  severely  from  exposure  to  the  scorch- 
ing sun,  in  a  state  of  almost  utter  nakedness ;  and  the 
miseries  of  their  situation  were  aggravated  by  de- 
spair of  ever  being  released  from  slavery. 

The  only  food  allowed  to  them  was  barley  flour, 
and  camels'  and  goats'  milk ;  but  of  the  latter  they 
had  abundance.  Sometimes  they  were  treated  with 
a  few  dates,  which  were  a  great  rarity  ;  there  being 
neither  date  trees  nor  trees  of  any  other  kind  in  the 
whole  country  round.  But  as  the  flock  of  goats  and 
sheep  consisted  of  a  great  number  (from  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  to  two  hundred,)  and  as  they  were  at  a 
distance  from  the  town,  Adams  and  his  companion 
sometimes  ventured  to  kill  a  kid  for  their  own  eating; 
and  to  prevent  discovery  of  the  fire  used  in  cooking 
it,  they  dug  a  cave,  in  which  the  fire  was  made,  cov- 
ering the  ashes  with  grass  and  sand. 

At  length  Adams,  after  much  reflection  on  the  mise- 
rable state  in  which  he  had  been  so  long  kept,  and 
was  likely  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his  life,  deter- 
mined to  remonstrate  upon  the  subject.  His  master, 
whose  name  was  Harriet  Laubed,  frankly  replied  to 
him,  that  as  he  had  not  been,  successful  in  procuring 


64  ROBERT    ADAMS'S    NARRATIVE. 

slaves,  it  was  now  his  intention  to  keep  him,  and  not* 
as  he  had  before  led  him  to  expect,  to  take  him  to 
Suerra  or  Mogadore.  Upon  hearing  this,  Adams 
resolved  not  to  attend  any  longer  to  the  duty  of 
watching  the  goats  and  sheep ;  and  in  consequence, 
the  next  day,  several  of  the  young  goats  were  found 
to  have  been  killed  by  the  foxes. 

This  led  to  an  inquiry,  whether  Adams  or  the  boy 
was  in  fault;  when  it  appearing  that  the  missing 
goats  were  a  part  of  Adams's  dock,  his  master  pro- 
ceeded to  beat  him  with  a  thick  stick ;  which  he  re- 
sisted, and  took  away  the  stick  ;  upon  which  a  dozen 
Moors,  principally  women,  attacked  him,  and  gave 
him  a  severe  beating. 

As,  notwithstanding  what  had  occurred,  Adams 
persisted  in  his  determination  not  to  resume  his  task 
of  tendings  the  goats  and  sheep,  his  master  was  ad- 
vised to  put  him  to  death  ,-(43)  but  this  he  was  not  in- 
clined to  do,  observing  to  his  advisers,  that  he  should 
thereby  sustain  a  loss,  and  that  if  Adams  would  not 
work,  it  would  be  better  to  sell  him.  In  the  mean 
time  he  remained  idle  in  the  tent  for  about  three 
days  ;  when  he  was  asked  by  his  master's  wife,  if  he 
would  go  to  the  distant  well  to  fetch  a  couple  of 
skins  of  water,  that  being  of  a  better  quality ;  to 
which  he  signified  his  consent,  and  went  off  the  next 
morning  on  a  camel  with  two  skins  to  fetch  the 
water. 

On  his  arrival  at  the  other  well,  instead  of  procur- 
ing water,  he  determined  to  make  his  escape ;  and 
understanding  the  course  to  a  place  called  Wadi- 
noon,  lay  in  a  direction  to  the  northward  of  west,* 

*  This  account  of  the  relative  bearings  of  Woled  D'leim  and  Wed 
Noon  is  rather  at  variance  with  the  details  of  Adams's  recollected 
course  between  those  two  places ;  but  it  accords  very  nearly  with 
what  is  assumed  in  the  map,  on  other  grounds,  to  have  been  his  real 
route. 


ROBERT    ADAMSES    NARRATIVE.  65 

he  passed  the  well,  and  pushing  on  in  a  northerly 
course,  travelled  the  whole  of  that  day  ;  when  the 
camel,  which  had  been  used  to  rest  at  night,  and  had 
not  been  well  broke  in,  would  not  proceed  any  fur- 
ther; and  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  Adams  could 
make,  it  lay  down  with  fatigue,  having  gone  upwards 
of  twenty  miles  without  stopping.  Finding  there 
was  no  remedy,  Adams  took  off  the  rope  with  which 
his  clothes  were  fastened  round  his  body,  and  as 
the  camel  lay  with  his  fore-knee  bent,  he  tied  the 
rope  round  it  in  a  way  to  prevent  its  rising,  and  then 
lay  down  by  the  side  of  it.  This,  rope,  which  Adams 
had  brought  from  Tombuctoo,*  was  made  of  grass, 
collected  on  the  banks  of  the  river.  The  saddles  of 
camels  are  made  of  the  same  material,  interwoven 
between  a  frame  of  sticks  placed  together  in  the 
form  of  a  St.  Andrew's  cross,  so  as  to  fit  the  back  of 
the  animal. 

The  next  morning  at  day  light  he  mounted  again, 
and  pushed  on  till  about  nine  o'clock,  when  he  perceiv- 
ed a  smoke  a-head,  which  he  approached.  There  was 
a  small  hillock  between  him  and  this  place,  ascending 
which,  he  discovered  about  forty  or  fifty  tents  pitched, 
and  on  looking  back  he  saw  two  camels  coming  to- 
wards him,  with  a  rider  on  each.  Not  knowing  wheth- 
er these  were  pursuers,  or  strangers  going  to  the 
place  in  view,  but  being  greatly  alarmed,  he  made 
the  best  of  his  way  forwards.  On  drawing  near  to 
the  town,  a  number  of  women  came  out,  and  he  ob- 
served about  a  hundred  Moors  standing  in  a  row  in 
the  act  of  prayer,  having  their  faces  towards  the  east, 
and  at  times  kneeling  down,  and  leaning  their  heads 
to  the  ground.  On  the  women  discovering  Adams, 
they  expressed  great  surprise  at  seeing  a  white  man. 
He  inquired  of  them  the  name  of  the  place,  and  they 
told  him  it  was  Hilla  Gibla.  Soon  afterwards  the 
two  camels,  before  spoken  of,  arriving,  the  rider  of 

9 


66  ROBERT    ADAMs's    NARRATIVE. 

one  of  them  proved  to  be  the  owner  of  the  camel  on 
which  Adams  had  escaped,  and  the  other  his  master. 
At  this  time  Adams  was  sitting  under  a  tent  speak- 
ing to  the  Governour,  whose  name  was  Mahomet, 
telling  him  his  story ;  they  were  soon  joined  by  his 
two  pursuers,  accompanied  by  a  crowd  of  people. 

Upon  his  master  claiming  him,  Adams  protested 
that  he  would  not  go  back  ;  that  his  master  had  fre- 
quently promised,  to  take  him  to  Suerra,  but  had 
broken  his  promises;  ahd  that  he  had  made  up  his 
mind  either  to  obtain  his  liberty  or  die.  Upon  hear- 
ing both  sides,  the  Governour  determined  in  favour 
of  Adams ;  and  gave*  his  master  to  understand,  that 
if  he  was  willing  to  exchange  him  for  a  bushel  of 
dates  and  a  camel,  he  should  have  them;  but  if  not, 
he  should  have  nothing.  As  Adams's  master  did  not 
approve  of  these  conditions,  a  violent  altercation 
arose;  but  at  length  finding  the  Governour  deter^ 
mined,  and  that  better  terms  were  not  to  be  had,  he 
accepted  the  first  offer,  and  Adams  became  the  slave 
of  Ma  hornet.  (44) 

The  natives  of  Hilla  Gibla*  appeared  to  be  better 
clothed,  and  a  less  savage  race,  than  those  of  Vied 
Duleim,  between  whom  there  appeared  to  be  great 
enmity  ;  the  Governour  therefore  readily  interfered 
in  favour  of  Adams,  and  at  one  time  threatened  to 
take  away  the  camel  and  to  put  Mahomet  Laubed 
himself  to  death.  Another  consideration  by  which 
the  Governour  was  probably  influenced,  was,  a 
knowledge  of  the  value  of  a  Christian  slave,  as  an 
object  of  ransom,  of  which  Mahomet  Laubed  seem- 
ed to  be  wholly  ignorant. 

On  entering  the  service  of  his  new  master,  Adams 
was  sent  to  tend  camels,  and  had  been  so  employed 
about  a  fortnight,  when  this  duty  was  exchanged  for 
that  of  taking  care  of  goats.     Mahomet  had  two 

*  El  Kdbla.        jD, 


ROBERT    ADAMs's    NARRATIVE.  67 

wives  who  dwelt  in  separate  tents,  one  of  them  an  old 
woman,  the  other  young :  the  goats  which  Adams 
was  set  to  take  care  of,  were  the  property  of  the 
elder  one. 

Some  days  after  he  had  been  so  employed,  the 
younger  wife,  whose  name  was  Isha^\  proposed  to 
him,  that  he  should  also  take  charge  of  her  goats,  for 
which  she  would  pay  him  ;  and  as  there  was  no 
more  trouble  in  tending  two  flocks  than  one,  he 
readily  consented.  Having  had  charge  of  the  two 
flocks  for  several  days,  without  receiving  the  promis- 
ed additional  reward,  he  at  length  remonstrated  ; 
and  after  some  negotiation  on  the  subject  of  his  claim, 
the  matter  was  compromised,  by  the  young  woman's 
desiring  him,  when  he  returned  from  tending  the 
goats  at  night,  to  go  to  rest  in  her  tent.  It  was  the 
custom  of  Mahomet  to  sleep  two  nights  with  the  elder 
woman,  and  one  with  the  other,  and  this  was  one  of 
the  nights  devoted  to  the  former.  Adams  according- 
ly kept  the  appointment ;  and  about  nine  o'clock 
Isha  came  and  gave  him  supper,  and  he  remained  in 
her  tent  all  night.  This  was  an  arrangement  which 
was  afterwards  continued  on  those  nights  which  she 
did  not  pass  with  her  husband. 

Things  continued  in  this  state  about  six  months, 
and  as  his  work  was  light,  and  he  experienced  noth- 
ing but  kind  treatment,  his  time  passed  pleasantly 
enough.  One  night  his  master's  son  coming  into  the 
tent,  discovered  Adams  with  his  mother-in-law,  and 
informed  his  father,  when  a  great  disturbance  took 
place:  but  upon  the  husband  charging  his  wife  with 
her  misconduct,  she  protested  that  Adams  had  laid 
down  in  her  tent  without  her  knowledge  or  consent; 
and  as  she  cried  bitterly,  the  old  man  appeared  to  be 
convinced  that  she  was  not  to  blame. 

*  Aisha.        D. 


68         ROBERT  ADAMS's  NARRATIVE.  . 

The  old  lady,  however,  declared  her  belief  that 
the  young  one  was  guilty,  and  expressed  her  convic- 
tion that  she  should  be  able  to  detect  her  at  some 
future  time. 

For  some  days  after,  Adams  kept  away  from  the 
lady ;  but  at  the  end  of  that  time,  the  former  affair 
appearing  to  be  forgotten,  he  resumed  his  visits. 
One  night  the  old  woman  lifted  up  the  corner  of  the 
tent  and  discovered  Adams  with  Isha  ;  and  having 
reported  it  to  her  husband,  he  came  with  a  thick 
stick,  threatening  to  put  him  to  death :  Adams  be- 
ing alarmed,  made  his  escape;  and  the  affair  having 
made  a  great  deal  of  noise,  an  acquaintance  proposed 
to  Adams  to  conceal  him  in  his  tent,  and  to  endea- 
vour to  buy  him  of  the  Governour.  Some  laughed  at 
the  adventure ;  others,  and  they  by  far  the  greater 
part,  treated  the  matter  as  an  offence  of  the  most 
atrocious  nature,  Adams  being  "a  Christian,  who 
never  prayed."(45) 

As  his  acquaintance  promised,  in  the  event  of  be- 
coming his  purchaser,  to  take  him  to  Wadinoon, 
Adams  adopted  his  advice  and  concealed  himself  in 
his  tent.  For  several  days  the  old  Governour  re- 
jected every  overture;  but  at  last  he  agreed  to  part 
with  Adams  for  fifty  dollars'  worth  of  goods,  con- 
sisting of  blankets  and  dates  ;  and  thus  he  became 
the  property  of  Boerick,  a  trader,  whose  usual  resi- 
dence was  at  Hilla  Gii.la. 

The  girl  (Isha)  ran  away  to  her  mother. 

The  next  day,  Boerick  set  out  with  a  party  of  six 
men  and  four  camels  for  a  place  called  Villa  de 
Bousbach,*(4s)  which  they  reached  after  travelling 
nine  days  at  the  rate  of  about  eighteen  miles  a  day; 
their  course  was  northeast.  On  the  rout  they  saw 
neither  houses  nor  trees,  but  the  ground  was  cover- 

*  Woled  Aboussebeih.        D. 


ROBERT    ADAMS'S    NARRATIVE.  69 

ed  with  grass  and  shrubs.  At  this  place  they  found 
about  forty  or  fifty  tents  inhabited  by  Moors,  and  re- 
mained five  or  six  days  ;  when  there  arrived  a  Moor 
from  a  place  called  Hieta  Mouessa  Ali,  named  Abdal- 
lah Houssa,  a  friend  of  Boerick,  who  informed  him 
that  it  was  usual  for  the  British  Consul  at  Mogadore 
to  send  to  Wadinoon  (where  this  man  resided,)  to 
purchase  the  Christians  who  were  prisoners  in  that 
country ;  and,  that  as  he  was  about  to  proceed 
thither,  he  was  willing  to  take  charge  of  Acams,  to 
sell  him  for  account  of  Boerick  ;  at  the  same  time  he 
informed  Adams  that  there  were  other  Christians  at 
Wadinoon.  This  being  agreed  to  by  Boerick,  his 
fjiend  set  out  in  a  few  days  after,  for  Hieta  Mouessa 
Ali,  taking  Adams  with  him.  Instead,  however,  of 
going  to  that  place,  which  lay  due  north,*  they  pro- 
ceeded north-northwest,  and  as  they  had  a  camel 
each,  and  travelled  very  fast,  the  path  being  good, 
they  went  at  the  rate  of  twenty-five  miles  a  day,  and 
in  six  days  reached  a  place  called  Villa  Adrialla^ 
where  there  were  about  twenty  tents.  This  place 
appeared  to  be  inhabited  entirely  by  traders,  who 
had  at  least  five  hundred  camels,  a  great  number  of 
goats  and  sheep,  and  a  few  horses.  The  cattle  were 
tended  by  Negro  slaves.  Here  they  remained  about 
three  weeks,  until  Abdallah  had  finished  his  busi- 
ness; and  then  set  out  for  Hieta  Mouessa  Ali,  where 
they  arrived  in  three  days.  Adams  believes  that  the 
reason  of  their  travelling  so  fast  during  the  last  stage 
was,  that  Abdallah  was  afraid  of  being  robbed,  of 
which  he  seemed  to  have  no  apprehension  after  he 
had  arrived  at  Villa  Adrialla,  and  therefore  they  tra- 

*  This   bearing  is   not   reconcileable    with    Adams's1"  subsequent 
course. 

f  This  should  probably  be  Wokd  Adrialla ;  but  I  have    no  know- 
ledge of  the  place.        D. 


70 

veiled  from  that  place  to  Hieta  Mouessa  AH  at  the 
rate  of  only  about  sixteen  or  eighteen  miles  a  day ; 
their  course  being  due  northwest. 

Hieta  Mouessa  Ali*  was  the  largest  place  Adams 
had  seen  in  which  there  were  no  houses,  there  being 
not  less  than  a  hundred  tents.  Here  was  a  small 
brook  issuing  from  a  mountain,  being  the  only  one 
he  had  seen  except  that  at  Soudenny  ;  but  the  vege- 
tation was  not  more  abundant  than  at  other  places. 
They  remained  here  about  a  month;  during  which 
Adams  was  as  usual  employed  in  tending  camels. 
As  the  time  hung  very  heavy  on  his  hands,  and 
he  saw  no  preparation  for  their  departure  for 
Wadinoon,  and  his  anxiety  to  reach  that  place 
had  been  very  much  excited  by  the  intelligence 
that  there  were  other  Christians  there,  he  took 
every  opportunity  of  making  inquiry  respecting 
the  course  and  distance  ;  and  being  at  length  of 
opinion  that  he  might  find  his  way  thither,  he 
one  evening  determined  to  desert ;  and  accord- 
ingly he  set  out  on  foot  alone,  with  a  small  sup- 
ply of  dried  goats'  flesh,  relying  upon  getting  a 
further  supply  at  the  villages,  which  he  under- 
stood were  on  the  road.  He  had  travelled  the 
whole  of  that  night,  and  until  about  noon  the 
next  day  without  stopping;  when  he  was  overtak- 
en by  a  party  of  three  or  four  men  on  camels, 
who  had  been  sent  in  pursuit  of  him,  It  seems 
they  expected  that  Adams  had  been  persuaded 
to  leave  Hieta  Mouessa  Ali,  by  some  persons 
who  wished  to  take  him  to  Wadinoon  for  sale  ; 
and  they  were  therefore  greatly  pleased  to  find 
him  on  foot,  and  alone.  Instead  of  ill  treating  him, 
as  he  apprehended  they  would  do,  they  merely 
conducted    him  back  to  Hieta  Mouessa  Ali ;  from 


*  Aiata  Mouessa  AIL        D. 


ROBERT    ADAMS'S    NARRATIVE.  7 1 

whence,  in  three  or  four  days  afterwards,  Ab- 
dallah  and  a  small  party  departed,  taking  him 
with  them.  They  travelled  five  days  in  a  north- 
west direction  at  about  sixteen  miles  a  day,  and 
at  the  end  of  the  fifth  day,  reached  Wadinoon ; 
having  seen  no  habitations  on  their  route,  except 
a  few  scattered  tents  within  a  day's  journey  of  the 
town. 


- 


[    72    j 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Description  of  Wed-Noon ;  where  Adams  finds  three  of  the  crew  of 
the  "Charles". ...He  is  purchased  by  Bel-Cossim-Abdallah... .French 
Renegade.... Wreck  of  the  Montezuma.... Gunpowder  Manufacture 
....Curious  Relation  of  a  Negro  Slave  from  Kanno... .Severe  labours 
and  cruel  treatment  of  the  Christian  Slaves  at  Wed-Noon.. ..Adams 
is  required  to  plough  on  the  Sabbath  day  ;  refuses  ;  is  cruelly  beat- 
en, and  put  in  irons. ...His  firmness.. ..Inhuman  treatment  and  death 
of  Dolbie....Williams  and  Davison,  worn  out  by  their  sufferings,  re- 
nounce their  Religion.. ..Adams  perseveres. ...Letter  from  the  Bri- 
tish Vice-Consul  at  Mogadore,  addressed  to  the  Christian  Slaves.... 

Ransom  of  Adams. ...Departure  from  Wed-Noon Akkadia.-.Bled 

Cidi  Heshein.... Market  of  Cidi  Haraet  at  Moussa....Agadeer,  or  feanta 
Cruz. ...Mogadore.. ..Adams  is  sent  to  the  Moorish  Emperour... Fez.... 
Mequinez... .Tangier.. ..Cadiz.. .Gibraltar.. ..London. 

Wadinoon*  was  the  first  place  at  which  Adams  had 
seen  houses  after  he  quitted  Tudenny.  It  is  a  small 
town,  consisting  of  about  forty  houses,  and  some 
tents.  The  former  are  built  chiefly  of  clay,  inter- 
mixed with  stone  in  some  parts;  and  several  of  them 
have  a  story  above  the  ground  floor.  The  soil  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  town  was  better  cultivat- 
ed than  any  he  had  yet  seen  in  Africa,  and  appear- 
ed to  produce  plenty  of  corn  and  tobacco.  There 
were  also  date  and  fig  trees  in  the  vicinity,  as  well 
as  a  few  grapes,  apples,  pears,  and  pomegranates. 
Prickly  pears  flourished  in  great  abundance. 

The  Christians  whom  Adams  had  heard  of,  whilst 
residing  at  Bieta  Mouessa  Ali,  and  whom  he  found 
at  Wadinoon,  proved  to  be,  to  his  great  satisfaction, 

*  Wed-Noon.        D, 


ROBERT  ADAMs's  NARRATIVE.  73 

his  old  companions  Stephen  Dolbie,  the  mate,  and 
James  Davison  and  Thomas  Williams,  two  of  the 
seamen  of  the  Charles.  They  informed  him  that 
they  had  been  in  that  town  upwards  of  twelve 
months,  and  that  they  were  the  property  of  the  sons 
of  the  Governour.  (4Y) 

Soon  after  Adams's  arrival  at  Wadinoon,  Abdal- 
lah  offered  him  for  sale  to  the  Governour,  or  Shieck, 
called  Amedallah  Salem,  who  consented  to  take  him 
upon  trial ;  but  after  remaining  about  a  week  at  the 
Governour's  house,  Adams  was  returned  to  his  old 
master,  as  the  parties  could  not  agree  about  the  price. 
He  was  at  length,  however,  sold  to  Belcassam  Ab- 
dallah,*  for  seventy  dollars  in  trade,  payable  in  blan- 
kets, gunpowder  and  dates.  (48) 

The  only  other  white  resident  at  Wadinoon  was 
a  Frenchman,  who  informed  Adams  that  he  had 
been  wrecked  about  twelve  years  before,  on  the 
neighbouring  coast,  and  that  the  whole  of  the  crew, 
except  himself,  had  been  redeemed.  He  further 
stated,  that  a  vessel  called  (as  Adams  understood 
him)  the  Agezuma'f  from  Liverpool,  commanded  by 
Captain  Harrison,  had  been  wrecked  about  four 
years  before,  and  that  the  Captain  and  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  crew  had  been  murdered.  (49)  This 
man  had  turned  Mohammedan,  and  was  named  Ab- 
salom ;  he  had  a  wife  and  child  and  three  slaves,  and 
gained  a  good  living  by  the  manufacture  of  gunpow- 
der. Adams  has  often  seen  him  employed  in  making 
it,  by  pounding  brimstone  in  a  wooden  mortar,  and 
grinding  charcoal  by  hand  between  two  stones,  in 
the  manner  of  grinding  grain.  The  final  process 
of  mixing  he  performed  in  a  room  by  himself,  not 
being  willing  to  let  any  person  see  how  it  was  done. 
He  lived  in  the  same  house  as  the  person  who  had 

*  Bel-Cossim-AbdaJIah.    D,  +  Montezuma. 

10 


74  ROBERT  ADAMS's  NARRATIVE. 

been  his  master,  who,  upon  his  renouncing  his  reli- 
gion, gave  him  his  liberty.  (50) 

Among  the  Negro  slaves  at  Waclinoon  was  a 
woman  who  said  she  came  from  a  place  called  Kan- 
no,  a  long  way  across  the  Desert,  and  that  she  had 
seen  in  her  own  country,  white  men,  as  white  as 
"  bather,"  meaning  the  wall,  and  in  a  large  boat 
with  two  high  sticks  in  it,  with  cloth  upon  them,  and 
that  they  rowed  this  boat  in  a  manner  different  from 
the  custom  of  the  Negroes,  who  use  paddles :  in 
stating  this,  she  made  the  motion  of  rowing  with 
oars,  so  as  to  leave  no  doubt  that  she  had  seen  a 
vessel  in  the  European  fashion,  manned  by  white 
people.  (51) 

The  work  in  which  Adams  was  employed  at  Wa- 
dinoon,  was  building  walls,  cutting  down  shrubs  to 
make  fences,  and  working  in  the  corn  lands  or  in 
the  plantations  of  tobacco,  of  which  great  quanti- 
ties are  grown  in  the  neighbourhood.  It  was  in  the 
month  of  August  that  he  arrived  there,  as  he  was 
told  by  the  Frenchman  before  spoken  of;  the  grain 
had  been  gathered ;  but  the  tobacco  was  then  get- 
ting in,  at  which  he  was  required  to  assist.  His  la- 
bour at  this  place  was  extremely  severe.  On  the 
Moorish  sabbath,  which  was  also  their  market-day, 
the  Christian  slaves  were  not  required  to  labour,  un- 
less on  extraordinary  occasions,  when  there  was  any 
f>articular  work  to  do  which  could  not  be  delayed. 
n  these  intervals  of  repose,  they  had  opportunities 
of  meeting  and  conversing  together;  and  Adams 
had  the  melancholy  consolation  of  finding,  that  the 
lot  of  his  companions  had  been  even  more  severe 
than  his  own.  It  appeared  that  on  their  arrival,  the 
Frenchman  before  mentioned,  from  some  unexplain- 
ed motive,  had  advised  them  to  refuse  to  work ;  and 
the  consequence  was,  that  they  had  been  cruelly 
beaten  and  punished,  and  had  been  made  to  work 


hard 


ROBERT    ADAMs's    NARRATIVE.  75 


and  live  hard,  their  only  scanty  food  being  bar- 
ley flour,  and  Indian  corn  flour.  However,  on  ex- 
traordinary occasions,  and  as  a  great  indulgence, 
they  sometimes  obtained  a  few  dates. 

In   this  wretched  manner  Adams  and   his  fellow 
captives  lived  until  the  June   following;  when  a  cir- 
cumstance occurred  which  had  nearly  cost  the  former 
his  life.  His  master's  son,  Hameda  Bel  Cossim,  having, 
one  Sabbath  day,  ordered  Adams  to  take  the  horse 
and   go  to  plough,  the  latter  refused  to  obey  him, 
urging  that  it  was  not  the  custom  of  any  slaves  to 
work  on  the  sabbath  day,  and  that  he  was  intitled 
to   the  same  indulgence  as  the  rest.     Upon  which 
Hameda  went  into  the  house  and  fetched  a  cutlass, 
and  then  demanded  of  Adams,  whether  he  would  go 
to  plough  or  not.     Upon  his  reply  that  he  would 
not,  Hameda,  struck  him  on  the  forehead  with  the 
cutlass,  and  gave  him  a  severe  wound  over  the  right 
eye,  and    immediately  Adams  knocked   him   down 
writh  his  fist.     This  was  no  sooner  done  than  Adams 
wras  set  upon  by  a  number  of  Moors,  who  beat  him 
with  sticks  in  so  violent  a  manner  that  the  blood  came 
out  of   his  mouth,   two  of   his  double  teeth  were 
knocked   out,   and   he   was  almost  killed ;    and  he 
thinks   they  would  have  entirely  killed  him  had  it 
not  been  for  the  interference  of  Boadick,  the  Shieck's 
son,    who    reproached    them     for    their     cruelty, 
declaring  that  they  had  no  right  to  compel  Adams 
to  work  on  a  market-day.     The  next  morning  Ha- 
meda's  mother,  named  Moghtari^  came  to  him,  and 
asked  how  he  dared  to  lift  his  hand  against  a  Moor? 
to  which  Adams,  being  driven  to  desperation  by  the 
ill  treatment  he  had  received,  replied,  that  he  would 
even  take  his  life  if  it  were  in  his  power.     Moghta- 
ri  then  said,  that  unless  he  would   kiss   Hameda's 
hands  and  feet,  he  should  be  put  in  irons;  which  he 
peremptorily  refused  to  do.     Soon  after  Hameda's 


76  ROBERT    ADAMS's    NARRATIVE. 

father  came  to  Adams  and  told  him,  unless  he 
did  kiss  his  son's  feet  and  hands,  he  must  be  put  in 
irons.  Adams  then  stated  to  him,  that  he  could  not 
submit  to  do  so ;  that  it  was  "  contrary  to  his  re- 
ligion"* to  kiss  the  hands  and  feet  of  any  person  ; 
that  in  his  own  country  he  had  never  been  required 
to  do  it;  and  that  whatever  might  be  the  consequence, 
he  would  not  do  it.  Finding  he  would  not  submit, 
the  old  man  ordered  that  he  should  be  put  in 
irons,  and  accordingly  they  fastened  his  feet  togeth- 
er with  iron  chains,  and  did  the  same  by  his  hands. 
After  he  had  remained  in  this  state  about  ten  days, 
Moghtari  came  to  him  again,  urging  him  to  do  as 
required,  and  declaring  that  if  he  did  not,  he  should 
never  see  the  Christian  country  again  :  Adams,  how- 
ever, persevered  in  turning  a  deaf  ear  to  her  entrea- 
ties and  threats.  Some  time  afterwards,  finding  that 
close  confinement  was  destructive  of  his  health, 
Hameda  came  to  him,  and  took  the  irons  from  his 
hands.  The  following  three  weeks  he  remained 
with  the  irons  on  his  legs,  during  which  time,  re- 
peated and  pressing  entreaties,  and  the  most  dread- 
ful threats,  were  used  to  induce  him  to  submit;  but 
all  to  no  purpose.  He  was  also  frequently  advised 
by  the  Mate  and  the  other  Christians  (who  used  to 
be  sent  to  him  for  the  purpose  of  persuading  him,) 
to  submit,  as  he  must  otherwise  inevitably  loose  his 
life.  At  length,  finding  that  neither  threats  nor  en- 
treaties would  avail,  and  Adams  having  remained 
in  irons  from  June  till  the  beginning  of  August,  and 
his  sufferings  having  reduced  him  almost  to  a  skele- 
ton, his  master  was  advised  to  sell  him,  as  if  longer 
confined,  he  would  certainly  die,  and  thus  prove  a 
total  loss.  Influenced  by  this  consideration,  his 
master  at  last  determined  to  release  him  from  his  con- 

*  Adams's  expression. 


ROBERT  ADAMs's  NARRATIVE.  77 

finement;  but  though  very  weak,   the   moment  he 
was  liberated  he  was  set  to  gathering  in  the  corn.  (52) 

About  a  week  afterwards,  Dolbic,  the  mate,  fell 
sick.  Adams  had  called  to  see  him,  when  Dolbie's 
master  (named  Brahim,  a  son  of  the  Shieck)  order- 
ed him  to  get  up  and  go  to  work;  and  upon  Dolbie 
declaring  that  he  was  unable,  Brahim  beat  him  with 
a  stick  to  compel  him  to  go;  but  as  he  still  did  not 
obey,  Brahim  threatened  that  he  would  kill  him  ;  and 
upon  Dolbie's  replying  that  he  had  better  do  so  at 
once  than  kill  him  by  inches,  Brahim  stabbed  him  in 
the  side  with  a  dagger,  and  he  died  in  a  few  minutes. 
As  soon  as  he  was  dead,  he  was  taken  by  some  slaves 
a  short  distance  from  the  town,  where  a  hole  was 
dug,  into  which  he  was  thrown  without  ceremony.  As 
the  grave  was  not  deep,  and  as  it  frequently  happen- 
ed that  corpses  after  burial  were  dug  out  of  the 
ground  by  the  foxes,  Adams  and  his  two  surviving 
companions  went  the  next  day  and  covered  the  grave 
with  stones.  (53) 

As  the  Moors  were  constantly  urging  them  to  be- 
come Mohammedans,  and  they  were  unceasingly 
treated  with  the  greatest  brutality,  the  fortitude  of 
Williams  and  Davison  being  exhausted,  they  at  last 
unhappily  consented  to  renounce  their  religion,  and 
were  circumcised  ;  and  thus  obtained  their  liberty ; 
after  which  they  were  presented  with  a  horse,  a 
musket,  and  a  blanket  each,  and  permitted  to  mar- 
ry ;  no  Christian  being  allowed  at  any  of  the  places 
inhabited  by  Moors,  to  take  a  wife,  or  to  cohabit 
with  a  Moorish  woman. 

As  Adams  was  the  only  remaining  Christian  at 
Wadinoon,  he  became  in  a  more  especial  manner  an 
object  of  the  derision  and  persecution  of  the  Moors, 
who  were  constantly  upbraiding  and  reviling  him, 
and  telling  him  that  his  soul  would  be  lost  unless  he 
became  a  Mohammedan,  insomuch,  that  his  life  was 


78  ROBERT  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE. 

becoming  intolerable ;  (54)  when,  only  three  days 
after  Williams  and  Davison  had  renounced  their  re- 
ligion, a  letter  was  received  from  Mr.  Joseph  Du- 
puis,  British  Consul  at  Mogadore,  addressed  to  the 
Christian  prisoners  at  Wadinoon,  under  cover  to  the 
Governour;  in  which  the  Consul,  after  exhorting 
them  most  earnestly  not  to  give  up  their  religion, 
whatever  might  befall  them,  assured  them  that 
within  a  month,  he  should  be  able  to  procure  their 
liberty.  Davison  heard  the  letter  read  apparently 
without  emotion,  but  WiUiams  became  so  agitated, 
that  he  let  it  drop  out  of  his  hands,  and  burst  into 
a  flood  of  tears.  (55) 

From  this  time  Adams  experienced  no  particular 
ill  treatment ;  but  he  was  required  to  work  as 
usual.  About  a  month  more  elapsed,  when  a  man 
who  brought  the  letter,  who  was  a  servant  of  the 
British  Consul,  disguised  as  a  trader,  made  known 
to  Adams  that  he  had  succeeded  in  procuring  his  re- 
lease; and  the  next  day  they  set  out  together  for 
Mogadore. 

On  quitting  Wadinoon,  (where  Adams  is  confi- 
dent he  stayed  more  than  twelve  months ;  the  se- 
cond year's  crop  of  tobacco  having  been  completely 
got  in  before  his  departure)  they  proceeded  in  a 
northerly  direction,  travelling  on  mules  at  the  rate 
of  thirty  miles  a  day,  and  in  fifteen  days*  arrived  at 
Mogadore.  The  first  night  they  stopped  at  a  vil- 
lage called  Akkadia,  situated  at  the  foot  of  a  high 
mountain.  Here,  for  the  first  time,  Adams  saw  olive 
trees,  and  palm  trees  from  the  nuts  of  which  oil  is 
extracted.  The  place  consisted  of  about  twenty 
houses  ;  some  of  them  two  stories  high.  Having 
slept  there,  they  set  out  the  next  morning  at  four 

*  The  detail  of  Adams's  course  from  Wed-Noon  to  Mogadore,  makes 
only  thirteen  days. 


ROBERT  ADAMs's  NARRATIVE.  79 

o'clock,  and  the  following  day  about  sunset  reached 
another  village,  the  name  of  which  he  does  not  re- 
member. Here  were  only  a  few  houses,  but  a  great 
many  tents,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  large  fields  of 
wheat,  Indian  corn,  and  barley.  Adams  thinks  this 
place  was  all  the  property  of  one  man. 

The  place  at  which  they  next  stopped,  having 
travelled  that  day  in  a  northeast  direction,  was  the 
residence  of  a  great  warrior  named  Cidi  Heshem, 
who  had  with  him  upwards  of  six  hundred  black 
men  and  Moors,  most  of  them  armed  with  muskets, 
which  they  kept  in  excellent  order.  Adams  was  in- 
formed that  he  admitted  into  his  service  any  runa- 
way Negroes  or  Moors;  to  whom  he  gave  liberty 
on  condition  of  their  entering  into  his  service.  He 
appeared  to  be  very  rich  :  having  numerous  camels, 
goats,  sheep,  and  horned  cattle,  and  abundance  of 
piece  goods  of  various  kinds,  as  also  shoes  and  other 
manufactures  which  were  exposed  for  sale  in  shops 
kept  by  Jews.  The  place  was  called  after  its  owner, 
Bled  de  Cidi  Heshem,  in  the  district  of  Suz,  and  to 
the  best  of  Adams's  recollection,  contained  from 
twenty  to  thirty  houses.  Here  he  saw  a  great 
quantity  of  silver  money,  principally  dollars.  Cidi 
Heshem  was  at  war  with  the  Emperour  of  Mo- 
rocco. (56) 

After  staying  one  night  and  part  of  the  next  day, 
Adams  and  his  companion  proceeded  on  their  jour- 
ney ;  and  the  following  night  slept  at  a  place  where 
there  were  only  two  huts.  The  next  day  they  ar- 
rived at  a  place  of  a  similar  description,  and  then  set 
out,  expecting  to  arrive  at  a  large  town,  situate  on  a 
high  hill  by  the  sea  side  named  in  English  Santa 
Cruz,  (where  he  was  told,  formerly  a  British  Con- 
sul resided,)  but  called  by  the  Moors  Agadeer.  They 
did  not,  however,  get  so  far ;  but  reached  a  place 


80  ROBERT  ADAMS'S  NARRATIVE. 

called  Cidi  Mahomeda  Moussa,*  situate  in  a  wide 
sandy  plain,  where  the  harvest  being  just  got  in,  the 
inhabitants  were  holding  a  market,  at  which  there 
appeared  to  be  assembled  not  less  than  four  thou- 
sand persons  from  all  quarters,  who  had  goods  of  all 
descriptions  for  sale.  This  market,  he  was  told,  is 
held  once  a  year,  and  lasts  for  five  days.  Here 
Adams's  companion  was  met  by  several  persons  of 
his  acquaintance,  who  seemed  greatly  delighted  at 
his  success  in  effecting  his  (Adams)  liberation  :  some 
of  them  spoke  English. 

After  remaining  there  one  day,  they  set  out  again 
on  their  journey,  and  by  one  o'clock  reached  Aga- 
deer.  As  soon  as  they  arrived,  the  Governour  sent 
for  Adams,  and  said  to  him  in  the  Moorish  lan- 
guage, "  now,  my  lad,  you  may  consider  yourself 
safe."  He  afterwards  made  particular  inquiry  as 
to  the  treatment  Adams  had  met  with;  and  on  being 
told  with  what  inhumanity  he  had  been  used  at 
Wadinoon,  the  Governour  said  he  well  knew  their 
manner  of  treating  Christians  ;  but  that  they  were 
savages,  and  not  subjects  of  the  Emperour:  he  ad- 
ded, that  having  the  good  fortune  now  to  be  in  the 
dominions  of  the  Emperour,  Adams  might  rest  satis- 
fied that  he  was  perfectly  safe,  and  would  meet  with 
nothing  but  good  treatment ;  an  assurance  that  af- 
forded him  the  greatest  satisfaction,  although  ever 
since  his  departure  from  Wadinoon  he  had  felt  a 
confident  belief  that  his  complete  deliverance  was  at 
hand.  The  next  day  they  resumed  their  journey, 
and  from  this  time  travelled  northerly  for  five  days, 
without  meeting  with  any  other  habitation  than  oc- 
casional huts.     About   twelve  o'clock   on   the  Mth 


*  There  is  a  sanctuary  near  Santa  Cruz,  called  Cidi  Mohammed 
Monsoul,  but  Adams  appears  to  have  confounded  it,  (probably  from 
the  similarity  of  the  names)  with  Cidi  Hamet  a  Moussa.  See  Note 
56.    D. 


ROBERT    ADAMS  S     NARRATIVE.  81 

day,  ascending  a  hill,  they  discovered  the  town  of 
Mogadore  beneath  them,  and  square  rigged  vessels 
lying  in  the  harbour:  the  sight  of  which,  says 
Adams,  "  I  can  no  otherwise  describe  than  by  say- 
"  ing,  I  felt  as  if  a  new  life  had  been  given  to  me." 
In  about  half  an  hour  afterwards  they  entered  the 
town,  and  immediately  went  to  the  house  of  the 
Governour,  who  sent  Adams  to  Mr.  Dupuis,  the 
British  Consul ;  by  whom  he  was  received  into  his 
house,  and  treated  with  the  utmost  kindness.  "Ne- 
"  ver,"  says  Adams,  "  shall  I  forget  the  kindness  of 
"  this  good  gentleman,  who  seemed  to  study  how  to 
"  make  me  comfortable  and  happy." 

On  the  arrival  of  Adams  at  Mogadore,  it  appear- 
ed to  be  the  wish  of  the  Governour  to  send  him  to 
the  Emperour;  but  to  this  Mr.  Dupuis  objected, 
and  Adams  remained  with  him  the  following  eight 
months;  in  the  course  of  which  time,  Mr.  Dupuis 
frequently  interrogated  him  upon  the  subject  of  the 
several  places  at  which  he  had  been  in  Africa,  and 
sent  for  travellers  for  the  purpose  of  comparing  their 
statements  with  those  given  by  him  ;  (57)  after  which 
he  expressed  a  strong  desire  that  Adams  should  come 
to  England  for  the  purpose  of  giving  an  account  of 
his  travels,  as  he  said  many  gentlemen  would  be 
glad  to  receive  it.  But  as  England  and  America 
were  then  at  war,  Adams  was  apprehensive  lest  he 
might  be  made  a  prisQner,  and  therefore  declined 
the  pressing  offers  and  solicitations  of  the  Consul 
that  he  should  take  his  passage  in  an  English  vessel, 
bound  to  London.  Finding  Adams  thus  averse 
from  going  to  England,  and  the  only  vessels  which 
were  lying  at  Mogadore  being  bound  thither,  Mr. 
Dupuis  wrote  to  the  Emperour  of  Morocco,  and 
also  to   Mr.  Simpson  the   British*  Consul  at  Tan- 

*  Mr .  Simpson  was  American  Consul.        D. 
11 


82  ROBERT    ADAMS'S    NARRATIVE, 

gier  with  the  view  of  procuring  permission  for 
Adams  to  go  to  Tangier,  from  whence  he  hoped  he 
might  get  a  passage  by  some  Spanish  vessel  to 
Cadiz.  This  being  at  length  agreed  to,  Adams 
took  leave  of  Mr.  Dupuis  in  the  month  of  April, 
1814,  who  sent  him  under  the  protection  of  two 
Moorish  soldiers,  to  Fez,  the  residence  of  the  Em- 
perour.  (*8) 

They  travelled  on  mules ;  but  as  they  stopped 
two  days  at  VArrache,*  and  travelled  but  slowly, 
it  was  eighteen  days  before  they  arrived  at  Fez. 
On  their  arrival  the  Emperour  was  absent  at  Mequi- 
nez,  and  they  accordingly  proceeded  thither  the 
next  day,  and  went  to  the  house  of  Doctor  Manu- 
el, a  Portuguese  physician,  who  informed  the  Em- 
perour of  Adams's  arrival.  Adams  was  then  order- 
ed into  the  presence  of  the  Emperour,  who  first 
asked  him  of  what  country  he  was ;  he  replied, 
"  an  Englishman."  He  then  inquired  into  the  treat- 
ment he  had  met  with,  and  whether  he  liked  the 
Moors  as  well  as  the  Europeans,  to  which  Adams 
answered,  "No."  The  Emperour  then  ordered 
that  Adams  should  be  taken  to  the  Governour ;  who, 
the  next  day,  sent  him  in  the  charge  of  two  soldiers 
to  Tangier,  where,  travelling  on  mules,  they  arrived 
in  three  days. 

Immediately  upon  his  arrival  at  Tangier,  Adams 
was  presented  to  the  Governpur,  and  then  conveyed 
to  the  Consul,  Mr.  Simpson ;  who,  two  days  after- 
wards, procured  him  a  passage  on  board  a  Spanish 
schooner  bound  to  Cadiz,  (59)  where  he  arrived  the 
next  day,  being  the  27th  of  May,  1814,  making  three 

*  Adams  has  evidently  forgotten  the  situation  of  El  Araische.  He 
could  not  have  touched  there  on  his  journey  from  Mogadore  to  Fez ; 
though  he  might  very  probably  pass  through  it  on  his  way  from  Me- 
quinez  to  Tangier.  The  place  he  alludes  to  must  be  either  Rhabatt 
or  Sallee.        D. 


ROBERT    ADAMS's    NARRATIVE.  83 

njears  and  seven  months,  (60)  since  he  was  wrecked  in 
the  Charles  ;  during  which  period,  except  from  the 
effect  of  the  severe  beating  he  received  at  Wadi- 
noon,  and  the  weakness  produced  by  his  long  con- 
finement at  that  place  in  irons,  he  never  was  sick  a 
single  day. 

After  remaining  about  fourteen  months  at  Cadiz 
as  a  servant  or  groom,  in  the  service  of  Mr.  Hall, 
an  English  merchant  there  ;  peace  having  in  the 
mean  time  been  restored  ;  Adams  was  informed  by 
the  American  Consul  that  he  had  nowan  opportuni- 
ty of  returning  to  his  native  country  with  a  cartel, 
or  transport,  of  American  seamen,  which  was  on  the 
point  of  sailing  from  Gibraltar.  He  accordingly 
proceeded  thither ;  but  arrived  two  days  after  the 
vessel  had  sailed.  Soon  afterwards  he  engaged 
himself  on  board  a  Welsh  brig  lying  at  Gibraltar,  in 
which  he  sailed  to  Bilboa,  from  whence  the  brig 
took  a  cargo  of  wool  to  Bristol ;  and,  after  discharg- 
ing it  there,  was  proceeding  in  ballast  to  Liverpool ; 
but  having  been  driven  into  Holyhead  by  contrary 
winds,  Adams  there  fell  sick,  and  was  put  on  shore. 
From  this  place  he  begged  his  way  up  to  London, 
where  he  arrived  about  the  middle  of  October, 
completely  destitute  ;  and  had  slept  two  or  three 
nights  in  the  open  streets,  before  he  was  accidentally 
met  by  a  gentleman,  who  had  seen  him  in  Mr.  Hall's 
service  at  Cadiz,  and  was  acquainted  with  his  his- 
tory ;  by  whom  he  was  directed  to  the  office  of  the 
African  Committee. 


:nd  of  the  narrative. 


NOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Note  1,  p.  30. 

I  do  not  recollect  to  have  heard  any  suspicion 
stated,  either  by  Adams  or  others  of  the  crew  of  the 
"  Charles,"  that  the  Captain  was  really  bound  to  any 
other  place  than  the  Isle  of  May,  or  some  other  of 
the  Cape  de  Verd  Islands  ;  but  the  ship's  name,  the 
owners,  Captain,  crew  and  cargo,  agree  precisely 
with  the  statements  which  were  made  to  me  at  Mo- 
gadore.         D. 

• 

Note  2,  p.  31. 

El  Gazie  (the  g  strongly  guttural)  has  been  de- 
scribed to  me  by  Arabs  who  have  occasionally  visited 
that  part  of  the  coast,  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of 
sharing  or  purchasing  the  plunder  of  such  vessels  as 
may  be  cast  on  shore  : — which  misfortune  but  too 
frequently  happens  to  those  who  do  not  use  the 
precaution  of  keeping  a  good  offing  ;  for  most  parts 
of  this  desert  coast  are  so  low,  and  the  weather  is 
here  in  general  so  hazy,  as  to  preclude  a  distant 
view  of  the  shore. 

The  Douar  (by  which  word  I  mean  a  village  of 
tents,  and  which  I  shall  accordingly  so  use  hereaf- 
ter, in  speaking  of  the  encamped  residences  of  the 
Arabs)  is  here  scarcely  deserving  of  the  name  ;  con- 
sisting, as  I  have  been  told,  only  of  a  few  scattered 


86  El  Gazie. — Shipwrecks. 

tents,  inhabited  by  a  small  community  of  poor  and 
miserable  Arabs,  whose  manner  of  living,  dress  and 
appearance,  are  doubtless  such  as  Adams  here  de- 
scribes; and  who,  residing  chiefly,  if  not  entirely,  on 
the  seacoast,  become  the  first  possessors  of  the 
valuables  and  surviving  crews  of  such  vessels  as  here 
suffer  shipwreck. 

As  soon  as  such  an  event  is  known  in  the  Desert, 
their  Douar  becomes  a  mart,  to  which  Arabs  from 
all  parts  of  the  interiour  resort  for  trade  ;  and  it  even 
not  unfrequently  happens,  that  when  the  news  of 
such  a  catastrophe  reaches  the  southern  provinces 
of  Barbary,  the  native  traders  of  Santa  Cruz,  Moga- 
dore,  and  their  districts,  make  long  journeys  for  the 
same  purpose,  and  frequently  bring  back  valuable 
articles  saved  from  the  wreck,  which  they  purchase 
from  the  ignorant  natives  as  things  of  no  value.  In 
this  manner,  I  have  been  informed  of  superfine  cloths 
being  bought  at  half  a  dollar  the  cubit  measure. 
Occasionally  also  I  have  seen  Bank  of  England 
notes,  which  I  was  assured  cost  a  mere  trifle  ;  the 
purchaser  only  knowing  their  value.  Watches, 
trinkets,  wearing  apparel,  muslins,  silks,  linens,  &c. 
are  gladly  disposed  of  for  dates,  horses,  camels,  their 
favourite  blue  linens  (baftas)  or  any  of  the  few  arti- 
cles which  are  felt  by  these  poor  people  to  be  imme- 
diately serviceable  in  their  wretched  way  of  living. 
They  are,  however,  more  tenacious  of  the  firearms, 
cutlasses,  pikes,  cordage,  bits  of  old  iron,  spike  nails, 
and  copper,  upon  which  they  set  great  value,  and 
therefore  seldom  part  with  them. 

This  is  the  common  mode  of  transacting  the  trade 
of  a  wreck.  However,  it  not  unfrequently  happens, 
that  when  the  crew  and  cargo  fall  into  the  posses- 
sion of  any  tribe  of  insignificant  note,  the  latter  are 
invaded  by  one  of  their  more  powerful  neighbours, 
who  either  strip  them  by  force  of  all  their  collected 


French  Renegade, — Death  of  the  Captain,         87 

plunder,  or  compel  them,  through  fear,  to  barter  it 
at  rates  far  beneath  its  estimated  value.  In  either 
case,  whether  obtained  by  purchase  or  by  force,  the 
Arabs  load  their  camels  with  the  spoil,  and  return  to 
their  homes  in  the  Desert,  driving  the  unfortunate 
Christians  before  them.  The  latter,  according  to 
the  interest  of  their  new  masters,  are  sold  again  or 
bartered  to  others ;  often  to  Arabs  of  a  different 
tribe,  and  are  thus  conveyed  in  various  directions 
across  the  Desert,  suffering  every  degree  of  hard- 
ship and  severity,  which  the  cruelty,  caprice  or  self- 
interest  of  their  purchasers  may  dictate.         D. 

Note  3,  p.  33. 

At  the  very  time  that  Adams  was  making  this 
statement  relative  to  the  Frenchman  who  had  es- 
caped from  the  Canary  Islands,  Mr.  John  Barry,  a 
merchant  of  Teneriffe,  accidentally  entered  the 
room  :  and  upon  being  asked  whether  he  had  ever 
heard  of  such  a  circumstance,  he  stated,  that  between 
four  and  five  years  ago,  some  French  prisoners  did 
make  their  escape  from  Santa  Cruz  in  a  boat  belong- 
ing to  Canary,  and  that  it  was  afterwards  reported 
they  had  run  their  vessel  on  shore  on  the  Coast  of 
Africa,  and  had  been  seized  and  carried  into  captivi- 
ty by  the  Moors. 

It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  man  of  whom 
Adams  speaks,  was  one  of  them. 

Note  4,  p.  33. 

I  perfectly  recollect,  that  the  fact  of  the  Cap- 
tain's death,  was  mentioned  to  me  by  others  of  the 
Charles's  crew  who  were  ransomed  at  Mogadore. 
as    well  as  by  Adams ;  but  I  do   not   think   that  I 


88        Jlgadeer  Doma. — Ransom  of  three  Sailors. 

was  told  he  was  murdered  ;  only  that  he  died 
from  disease,  want  of  nourishment  and  severe  treat- 
ment.        D. 

Note  5,  p.  35. 

Adams,  should  have  said  Jlgadeer  Doma.  This 
proposition  made  by  the  Mate  to  the  Arabs,  to  con- 
vey the  Christians  to  Senegal,  was  related  to  me,  as 
we«.  by  Adams,  as  by  others  of  the  crew  who  were 
ransomed.  The  Arabs,  I  was  told,  had  frequent 
consultations  together;  apparently  to  determine  how 
they  should  dispose  of  their  prisoners  :  after  which, 
as  if  to  raise  the  spirits  of  the  sailors,  they  would 
point  with  their  fingers  to  the  north,  or  north-north- 
east; saying  many  words,  which  they  (the  sailors) 
did  not  understand,  and  frequently  repeating  the 
words  Siterra  and  Sultan.     D. 

Note  6,  p.  35. 

In  the  spring  of  1811,  at  which  time,  and  until 
the  breaking  out  of  the  war  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States,  I  held  the  commission  of 
Agent  for  the  American  Consulate  at  Mogadore, 
(under  James  Simpson,  Esq.  Consul  General  of  the 
United  States  at  Tangier,)  three  of  the  Charles's 
crew,  named  Nicholas^  Newsham  and  Nelson  were 
brought  to  me  at  Mogadore  by  an  Arab  of  the  tribe 
of  Woled  Moussebah,  for  the  purpose  of  bargaining 
for  their  ransom ;  which,  after  some  difficulties  de- 
scribed in  a  subsequent  Note,  I  effected.  These  men 
related  to  me  the  circumstances  of  their  shipwreck, 
almost  precisely  in  the  same  terms  in  which  they 
were  afterwards  described  to  me  by  Adams,  and  as 
they  are  described  in  the  Narrative.  They  also 
informed  me  that  Adams,  (or  Rose)  and  another  of 


Soudenny.  89 

the  crew  had  been  purchased  from  the  Arabs,  who 
first  made  them  prisoners,  bj  a  party  who  came  from 
the  eastward,  and  who  had  carried  him  into  the 
Desert  in  that  direction.         JQ. 

Note  7,  p.  37. 

Soudenny  has  been  described  to  me  as  a  Negro 
town  or  village  bordering  on  the  Desert :  and  1  am 
credibly  informed  by  traders,  that  it  is  a  practice  of 
the  neighbouring  Arabs  to  resort  to  the  habi  prions 
of  the  Negroes  on  the  confines  of  the  Desert,  ior  the 
purpose  of  stealing  and  carrying  them  away  into 
slavery.  This,  however,  is  not  the  common  method 
of  procuring  slaves ;  for  it  is  attended  with  great 
personal  risk,  as  Adams  here  relates.  During  my 
residence  in  south  Barbary,  I  have  frequently  in- 
quired of  different  Negro  slaves  the  manner  of  their 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Arabs ;  and  many  have 
assured  me  that  they  were  stolen  by  them  from  their 
own  country,  and  not  regularly  purchased  at  the 
slave  marts.         D. 

According  to  Adams's  statement  of  his  route, 
Soudenny  may  be  supposed  to  lie  about  the  6th  de- 
gree of  west  longitude  and  the  16th  of  north  lati- 
tude. This  situation  will  fall  very  near  the  northern 
confines  of  Bambarra,  where  they  approach,  (if  they 
do  not  actually  touch)  the  Desert,  on  the  eastern 
borders  of  Ludamar.  It  also  approaches  close  to 
the  line  of  Park's  route  in  his  first  journey,  when 
endeavouring  to  escape  from  the  Moors  of  Benown : 
and  we  are  consequently  enabled  to  derive  from 
Park's  descriptions,  materials  for  estimating,  in  some 
degree,  the  probability  of  what  Adams  says  respect- 
ing Soudenny. 

12 


90  Soudenny. —  Woollo  and  Fatima. 

Referring  therefore  to  Park's  account  of  this  part 
of  Africa,  we  find  him  drawing  a  melancholy  pic- 
ture of  the  sufferings  of  its  Negro  inhabitants  from 
the  plundering  incursions  of  Moorish  Banditti ;  on 
which  excursions  he  says,  (4to.  ed.  p.  159,)  "  they 
"  will  seize  upon  the  Negroes'  cattle,  and  even  on 
"  the  inhabitants  themselves."  On  arriving  at  Sam- 
paka,  in  Ludamar,  he  says,  p.  119,  "  the  towns' peo- 
"  pie  informed  us  that  a  party  of  Moors  had  at- 
"  tempted  to  steal  some  cattle  from  the  town  in  the 
**  morning,  but  had  been  repulsed."  He  describes 
the  Foulahs  of  Wassiboo,  who  are  extensive  culti- 
vators of  corn,  as  "obliged  for  fear  of  the  Moors 
"  to  carry  their  arms  with  them  to  the  fields."  See 
page  187.  And  in  the  next  page  he  says,  on  ap- 
proaching Satile,  "  the  people,  who  were  employed 
"  in  the  corn  fields,  took  us  for  Moors,  and  ran 
"  screaming  away  from  us.  When  we  arrived  at 
"  the  town,  we  found  the  gates  shut,  and  the  peo- 
"  pie  all  under  arms." 

The  places  here  mentioned  are  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  each  other;  and  occur  in  that  part  of  the 
line  of  Park's  travels,  which  lies  nearest  to  the  pre- 
sumed situation  of  Soudenny.  The  details,  there- 
fore, afford  the  nearest  evidence  which  can  at  pre- 
sent be  obtained,  by  which  to  estimate  the  probabi- 
lity of  this  part  of  Adams's  story ;  and  it  is  presum- 
ed that  stronger  circumstantial  corroboration  of  it, 
will  hardly  be  thought  necessary. 

Note  8,  p.  40. 

Woollo,  which  is  a  Negro,  and  not  a  Moorish  ap- 
pellative, occurs  in  a  Note  on  Isaaco's  Journal  (4to. 
p.  203)  as  the  name  of  a  former  King  of  Bambar- 
ra,  the  father  of  Mansong :  but  the  probability  of 
Adams's  statement  in  this  passage  is  more  immedi- 


Woollo  and  Fatima. — Dress.  91 

ately  corroborated  by  Mr.  Jackson ;  who  assures 
his  readers,  that  there  was  a  King  Woollo,  actually 
reigning  at  Tombuctoo  in  the  year  1800.  Mr. 
Jackson  further  states,  that  this  same  King  of  Tom- 
buctoo was  also  sovereign  of  Bambarra ;  in  which 
respect,  however,  (as  in  many  other  instances  where 
he  relies  on  African  authority)  it  is  apparent  that 
he  was  misinformed;  for  the  name  of  the  sovereign 
of  Bambarra  from  the  year  1795  to  1805  inclusive, 
(the  dates  of  Park's  journeys)  was  certainly  Man- 
song.  Nevertheless  it  is  very  possible  that  Woollo, 
of  whom  Mr.  Jackson  heard  in  1800,  and  whom 
Adams  saw  in  1811,  as  King  of  Tombuctoo,  was 
one  of  the  numerous  tributaries  of  the  sovereign  of 
Bambarra ;  and  that  this  connexion  between  the 
two  states  may  have  led  to  the  report  that  they  had 
jointly,  but  one  King. 

The  name  of  Fatima  affords,  in  itself,  no  proof  that 
its  possessor  was  a  Moorish  or  even  a  Mohamme- 
dan woman  :  for  Park,  in  speaking  of  another  Ne- 
gro sovereign,  (the  King  of  Bondou,)  says  "  this 
"monarch  was  called  Almami,  a  Moorish  name  ;  al- 
"  though  I  was  told  that  he  was  not  a  Mahome- 
"  dan,  but  a  Kafir  or  Pagan."  1st  Journey,  4to. 
p.  53. 

Note  9,  p.<ll. 

I  have  always  understood  the  articles  of  dress  at 
Timbuctoo*  to  be  much  the  same  as  Adams  here  de- 
scribes. I  have  also  been  told,  that  the  inhabitants 
occasionally  wear  the  alhaik  of  Barbary  (with  which 
they  are  supplied  by  the  Moorish  and  Arab  traders,) 
after  the  fashion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Barbary 

*  This  city  was  invariably  called  Timbuctoo,  by  all  the  traders  and 
slaves  with  whom  I  have  conversed  respecting  it.        D. 


92  Dress. — King's  House,  &e. 

states ;  but  thai  this  mode  of  dress  is  not  very  preva- 
lent. I  have  been  assured,  that  the  cotton  tree  grows 
spontaneously  in  many  parts  of  Soudan,  and  that 
the  clothes  of  the  natives  generally,  are  of  that  ma- 
terial, manufactured  by  themselves.  Judging  from 
the  specimens  of  their  cottons  which  I  have  seen, 
they  must  be  good  spinners  and  weavers.  Their 
shirts,  which  are  of  a  fine  texture,  are  imported  by 
the  caravans  into  the  Barbary  states,  and  are  much 
valued  by  the  Arabs  and  Moors  on  account  of  the 
regularity  and  strength  of  the  thread.  Many  of 
them  are  interwoven  in  particular  parts  with  silk. 
These  shirts,  which  I  have  frequently  seen,  are  much 
in  the  shape  of  a  waggoner's  frock,  supposing  it  to 
be  longer,  fuller,  and  without  sleeves :  they  are 
either  white,  or  simply  blue,  or  blue  and  white  in  va- 
rious shades. 

This  I  have  always  understood  to  be  the  princi- 
al  dress  of  what  may  termed  the  middle  class  of 
egroes;  possibly  of  the  Chiefs  also:  but  the  poor 
are  represented  to  be  clothed  simply  round  the 
waist  with  a  cotton  wrapper,  more  or  less  coarse^ 
according  to  the  means  of  the  wearer,  which  either 
hangs  down  loose,  or  is  twisted  between  their  legs 
and  girt  round  their  loins.         D. 

Note  10,  p.  42. 

With  respect  to  the  enclosure  of  the  King's  pa- 
lace, into  which  Adams  says  the  foreign  merchan- 
dise is  carried,  for  the  payment  (as  he  thinks)  of 
duties,  what  I  have  heard  from  Moorish  traders  with 
reference  to  such  a  place,  is  briefly  this ;  that  the 
palace  of  the  King  of  Timbuctoo  is  situated  in 
what  they  call  the  kusba,  or  citadel,  in  the  centre  of 
the  town ;  which  being  a  place  of  security,  the  tra- 
ders naturally  deposit  their  effects  therein,  and  even 


R 


King's  House,  tfe, — Muskets.  9:i 

inhabit  a  part  of  it ;  and  that  duties,  (the  nature 
and  rate  of  which  I  do  not  recollect)  are  exacted 
by  the  King  on  all  merchandise  brought  by  stran- 
gers. 

With  respect  to  the  King's  palace,  and  the  houses 
generally,  I  have  been  informed  that  they  are  only 
one  story  high.  It  has  also  been  stated  to  me  that  there 
are  shops  in  the  city,  which  the  Negroes  frequent 
for  the  purchase  of  foreign  and  domestick  commo- 
dities ;  and  that  natives  of  all  parts  of  Soudan  may 
be  seen  there,  many  of  them  entirely  naked. 

The  country,  without  the  gates  of  the  enclosure 
or  citadel  noticed  above,  is  represented  to  be  thick- 
ly covered  with  the  hovels  or  huts  of  the  natives  as 
far  as  the  eye  can  reach ;  especially  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  river,  to  the  banks  of  which  these 
habitations  extend,  deserving,  in  fact,  the  name  of  a 
town.         D. 

From  Park's  description  (1st  Journey,  4 to.  p.  22) 
the  palace  of  the  King  of  Bondou  appears  to  be  a 
structure  very  much  resembling  that  described  by 
Adams  at  Tombuctoo. 

"  All  the  houses,"  he  says,  "  belonging  to  the 
"  King  and  his  family,  are  surrounded  by  a  lofty 
"  mud  wall,  which  converts  the  whole  into  a  kind  of 
"  citadel.     The  interiour  is  subdivided  into  different 


"  courts." 


Note  11,  p.  42. 

I  perfectly  recollect  that  Adams  told  me  at  Mo- 
gadore  of  these  muskets  which  he  had  seen  in  the 
King's  house  at  Timbuctoo  ;  and  at  the  same  time 
that  fire  arms  were  not  used  by  the  inhabitants; 
which  agrees  with  what  I  have  heard  from  other 
quarters. 


84  Muskets. — Houses. 

In  the  northern  regions  of  the  Desert,  I  have  al- 
ways understood  that  double-barrelled  guns  are  in 
common  use ;  and  Park  mentions  them  even  on  the 
south  and  southwestern  confines  of  the  Desert : 
but  the  arms  of  the  Arabs,  bordering  on  the  Ne- 
groes of  Timbuctoo,  have  been  described  to  me  by 
the  traders,  to  consist  of  javelins,  swords  and  dag- 
gers.    D. 

Note  12,  p.  43. 

As  far  as  I  can  recollect,  the  description,  which  I 
received  from  Adams  in  Barbary,  of  the  houses  of 
Timbuctoo,  was  more  detailed  than  that  in  the  Nar- 
rative. There  were,  he  said,  two  distinct  sorts  of 
habitations;  the  houses  of  the  Chiefs  and  wealthier 
Negroes,  and  the  huts  of  the  poor.  The  former 
(as  well  as  the  palace  of  the  King,)  he  described  as 
having  walls  of  clay,  or  clay  and  sand,  rammed  into 
a  wooden  case  or  frame,  and  placed  in  layers  one 
above  another  until  they  attained  the  height  requir- 
ed ;  the  roof  being  composed  of  poles  or  rafters 
laid  horizontally,  and  covered  with  a  cement  or 
plaster  of  clay  and  sand.  The  huts  of  the  poorer 
people  are  constructed  merely  of  the  branches  of 
trees  stuck  into  the  ground  in  circles,  bent,  and 
lashed  together  at  the  top.  This  frame  is  then  cov- 
ered with  a  sort  of  matting  made  of  a  vegetable 
substance  which  he  called  grass,  but  which,  from 
his  description  appeared  to  be  the  palmeta  (called 
dome  by  the  Arabs,)  and  the  hut,  I  think  he  told  me, 
was  afterwards  covered  with  clay. 

This  description  corresponds  in  all  respects  with 
those  which  I  have  received  from  the  Arab  and 
Moorish  traders.         D. 


La  Mar  Zarah.  95 


Note  13,  p.  43. 


I  do  not  ^tt  all  recollect  either  by  what  name 
Adams  spoke^of  the  river  of  Timbuctoo,  when  he 
mentioned  it  to  me  at  Mogadore,  or  that  I  have  ever 
heard  it  called  La  Mar  Zarah,  by  any  of  the  traders 
with  whom  I  have  conversed.  If  I  were  to  hazard  a 
conjecture  on  so  uncertain  a  subject,  I  might  suppose 
that  Adams  had  made  a  slight  mistake  in  repeating  this 
name  ;  and  that  he  should  have  said,  El  Bohar  Sa- 
hara, which  in  Arabick  would  mean  the  Desert  Sea,  or 
the  River  of  the  Desert.  His  pronunciation  of  Ara- 
bick was  at  all  times  indistinct,  and  often  quite  incor- 
rect ;  and  I  remember  other  words  in  which  he  in- 
terchanged the  sound  of  different  consonants  in  the 
manner  that  I  have  here  supposed.  However,  La 
Mar  Zarah  may  very  possibly  be  the  name  of  the 
river  in  the  language  of  the  Negroes. 

Another  question  here  suggests  itself,  whether  the 
river  mentioned  by  Adams  is  really  the  great  river 
Niger ;  or  whether  it  is  only  a  branch  of  it  flowing 
from  the  southeast  parts  of  the  Desert,  and  falling 
into  the  principal  stream  not  far  from  Timbuctoo  ? 

The  river  of  Timbuctoo  (which  I  have  always  sup- 
posed to  be  the  Niger  itself)  is  called  by  the  traders 
of  Barbary,  indiscriminately  by  the  several  names  of 
Wed-Nile,  Bahar-Nile,  or  Bahar-Abide.  The  same 
people  have  described  it  to  me  in  a  situation  corres- 
ponding with  that  in  the  Narrative  ;  at  a  very  short 
distance  from  the  town,  and  as  pursuing  its  course 
through  fertile  countries  on  the  east  and  southeast 
borders  of  the  Desert ;  after  which  it  is  generally 
supposed  in  Barbary  to  fall  into  the  Nile  of  Egypt. 

According  to  these  statements  of  the  Moorish  tra- 
ders, Adams  would  seem  to  have  mistaken  the  course 
of  the  stream  at  Timbuctoo.  In  fact,  I  do  not  recol- 
lect that  he  told  me  at  Mogadore,  that  it  flowed  in  a 


96  La  Mar  Zarah. — Canoes. 

westerly  direction :  but  1  think  I  am  correct  in  say- 
ing, lhat  he  discovered  some  uncertainty  in  speaking 
upon  this  subject,  (and  almost  upon  this  subject 
alone,)  observing,  in  answer  to  my  injuries,  that  he 
had  not  taken  very  particular  notice,  and  that  the 
river  was  steady,  without  any  appearance  of  a  strong 
current. 

The  mountains  near  Timbuctoo,  between  which, 
Adams  describes  the  river  to  flow,  have  also 
been  mentioned  to  me  by  the  traders  from  Bar- 
bary.         Z). 

It  is  certain  that  Adams  spoke  with  apparently 
less  confidence  of  the  direction  of  the  stream  of  the 
La  Mar  Zarah.  than  of  any  other  point  o(  his  Nar- 
rative. Nevertheless,  although  he  was  repeatedly 
questioned  upon  the  subject,  and  might  easily  per- 
ceive that  the  fact  of  a  stream  flowing  in  that  direc- 
tion, in  that  place,  was  considered  extremely  impro- 
bable, he  invariably  stated  his  preponderating  belief 
that  it  did  flow  to  the  southwest. 

We  shall  reserve  for  our  concluding  Note,  a  few 
further  remarks  on  this  point  of  the  Narrative;  and 
shall  only  add  in  this  place  (to  Mr.  Dupuis'  very 
probable  conjecture  on  the  subject)  that  the  Span- 
ish geographer  Marmol,  who  describes  himself  to 
have  spent  twenty  years  of  warfare  and  slavery  in 
Africa,  about  the  middle  of  the  1 6th  century,  men- 
tions the  river  Lahamar  as  a  branch  of  the  Niger  ; 
having  muddy  and  unpalatable  waters.  By  the  same 
authority  the  Niger  itself  is  called  Yea  or  Issa  at 
Tombuctoo ;  a  name  which  D'Anvillc  has  adopted 
in  his  maps  of  Africa. 

Note  14,  p.  44 

The  description  which  Adams  gives  of  the  vessels 
or  canoes  at  Timbuctoo,  is,  as  far  as  it  goes,  consist- 


Canoes. — Fruits.  97 

ent  with  what  I  recollect  of  his  statement  to  me  at 

Mogadore.  But  I  think  he  described  them  to  me  as 
being  more  numerous  :  adding,  that  he  had  seen  them 
navigate  the  river  in  fleets  of  from  ten  to  twenty  canoes 
together:  that  he  had  been  informed  that  thev  were 
absent  occasionally  a  month  or  more,  and  that  fre- 
quently they  returned  to  Timbuctoo,  laden  with 
slaves  and  merchandise.  He  also  mentioned  Jimae 
to  me,  as  a  place  to  which,  as  he  understood,  the 
inhabitants  of  Timbuctoo  resorted  for  trade;  and 
that  the  communication  between  the  two  cities  was 
by  water. 

I  ought  to  observe,  moreover,  that  these  particu- 
lars correspond  in  substance  with  the  information 
which  1  have  obtained  from  Arab  and  Moorish  tra- 
ders respecting  Timbuctoo,  and  the  JS'ile-Jlbide. 
The  same  persons  have  told  me  that  Jinnie  lay 
fifteen  days'  journey  to  the  southwest  of  Tim- 
buctoo.        D. 

Note  15,  p.  44. 

I  do  not  recollect  to  have  heard  dates  orpine  apples 
mentioned  by  any  of  the  natives  of  Barbary  who 
have  visited  Timbuctoo;  but  I  have  heard  that  both 
figs  and  cocoa  nuts  grow  there.  The  other  vegeta- 
bles enumerated  by  Adams  in  the  Narrative,  and 
which  he  also  mentioned  to  me,  are  described  by 
traders  as  being  produced,  generally  speaking, 
throughout  Soudan.         D. 

With  respect  to  dates,  Park  in  his  first  Journey, 
mentions  two  occasions  on  which  he  met  with  them 
in  Soudan;  first  at  Gang-adi  near  the  Seuegal  above 
Galam,  where  "he  observed  a  number  of  date  trees," 
4to.  p.  71 :  and,  secondly,  dates  were  part  of  the 

13 


98  Canoes. — Fruits. 

food  set  before  him  by  the    Foulah  shepherd  on  the 
northern  confines  of  Barnbarra,  mentioned  in  p.  182, 

Speaking  generally  of  the  vegetable  productions 
of  Soudan,  Park  says,  p.  250  :  "  Although  many 
"  species  of  the  edible  roots  which  grow  in  the  West 
"  India  Islands  are  found  in  Africa,  yet  I  never  saw, 
"  in  any  part  of  my  journey,  either  the  sugar  cane, 
"  the  coffee,  or  the  cacao  tree ;  nor  could  I  learn  on 
"  inquiry,  that  they  were  known  to  the  natives.  The 
"  pine  apple,  and  the  thousand  other  delicious  fruits 
"  which  the  industry  of  civilized  man  has  brought 
"  to  so  great  perfection  in  the  tropical  climates  of 
"  America,  are  here  equally  unknown." 

The  pine  apple,  however,  is  well  known  upon  the 
Gold  Coast,  and  in  the  Bight  of  Benin ;  and  there 
appears  to  be  no  sufficient  reason  for  doubting  that 
it  grows  at  Tombuctoo.  We  have  not  heard  that 
Africa  produces  the  cacao  tree  ;  but  the  sugar  cane 
and  the  coffee  plant  are  both  amongst  its  products. 
Both  are  found  upon  the  coasts  just  mentioned  ;  and 
coffee  has  long  been  known  to  grow  in  abundance  in 
Abyssinia. 

With  respect  to  the  cocoa  nut  tree,  (not  the  cacao) 
which  Adams  names  amongst  the  vegetable  produc- 
tions of  Tombuctoo,  some  doubts  of  his  accuracy  in 
this  respect  have  arisen  ;  first,  in  consequence  of  the 
opinion  that  this  tree  flourishes  only  near  the  shores 
of  the  sea  ;  and,  secondly,  because  Adams  was  una- 
ble to  describe  its  appearance.  But  as  we  are  not 
disposed,  on  the  one  hand,  to  attach  much  value  to 
the  botanical  recollections  of  a  common  sailor,  nei- 
ther do  we  think,  on  the  other,  that  much  stress 
ought  to  be  laid  either  upon  the  fact  of  his  having 
forgotten,  or  upon  his  inability  to  describe  the  ap- 
pearance of  any  plants,  which  he  may  have  seen.  It 
would  be  by  the  fruit  which  it  bore,  that  we  should 
expect  such  a  person  to  recollect  any  particular  tree ; 
and  before  we  reject  his   assertion  respecting  the 


m 


Fruits. — Quadrupeds. — Heiries.  99 

latter,  we  ought  to  consider  that  he  mentions  the 
former,  incidentally,  not  less  than  three  times  in  the 
course  of  his  Narrative. 

Although  these  circumstances  entitle  Adams's 
statement  to  considerable  attention,  yet  we  shall  not 
be  much  surprised  if  he  should  be  found  to  have 
mistaken  the  shell  of  the  calabash  (which  is  known 
to  be  much  in  use  amongst  the  Mandingoes  to  the 
westward)  for  that  of  the  cocoa  nut,  when  he  speaks 
of  the  latter  as  a  common  domestick  utensil  at 
Tombuctoo,  and  as  employed  by  the  natives  in 
the  composition  of  one  of  their  musical  instruments. 

Note  16,;?.  45. 

In  speaking  of  the  quadrupeds  at  Timbuctoo, 
\dams  says  there  are  no  horses.  I  do  not  recollect 
that  he  told  me  this  at  Mogadore,  but  I  am  disposed 
to  give  credit  to  the  statement,  from  the  correspond- 
ing accounts  which  I  have  received  from  traders. 
The  same  opinion  prevails  among  the  resident  Moors 
of  Barbary,  who,  in  deriding  and  reviling  their  Ne- 
gro slaves,  frequently  use  a  proverbial  expression, 
implying,  that  "  God,  who  had  blessed  the  Moors  with 
"  horses,  had  cursed  the  Negroes  with  asses."  The 
other  animals  which  Adams  here  mentions  are,  in 
general,  the  same  as  are  described  by  the  Arab  and 
Moorish  traders.         D. 

Note  17,  p.  45. 

The  Heiries,  of  which  Adams  speaks,  are  doubt- 
less the  species  of  camel  which  is  known  by  that 
name  in  the  Desert.  What  I  can  learn  with  certain- 
ty respecting  this  extraordinary  animal  (one  of  which 
I  have  seen  at  Morocco,  brought  by  the  Arabs  of 
Aboussebah  as  a  present  to  the  Emperour)  is,  that 


100  Heiries. — Elephant  Hunting. 

though  there  is  scarcely  any  visible  difference  be* 
tween  it  and  the  common  camel,  its  speed,  pa- 
tience, and  abstinence,  are  much  greater;  and,  that 
it  is,  on  these  accounts,  highly  prized  by  the 
Arabs.         D. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Adams's  heirie  is  the 
animal  described  by  Leo  Africanus  in  the  follow- 
ing passage,  which  we  quote  from  the  Latin  trans- 
lation before  us;  "  Tertium  genus  (camelorum) 
"  patria  lingua  ragnahil  dictum,  gracilibus  exiguaeque 
"  staturae  camelis,  constat;  qui  sarcinis  gerendisinfe- 
"  riores,  reliquos  tanta  sui  pernicitate  superant,  ut 
"  diei  unius  spatio  centum  passuum  millia  confici- 
"  ant,  iter  modico  viatico  ad  dies  octo  vel  decern 
"  perpetuantes."  And  Pennant's  description  of  the 
animal  accords  still  more  minutely  with  the  details 
given  by  Adams.  (See  Pennant's  Zool.  4to.  vol.  i. 
p.  131.)  "There  are  varieties  among  the  camels; 
"  what  is  called  the  dromedary,  Maihary,  and  ra- 
"  guahl  is  very  swift.  The  latter  has  a  less  hunch, 
"  is  much  inferiour  in  size,  never  carries  burdens, 
"  but  is  used  to  ride  on." 

Note  18,  p.  46. 

I  have  been  frequently  informed  that  elephant  hunt- 
ing is  common  at  Timbuctoo  as  well  as  in  most 
parts  of  Soudan :  and  it  is  certain  that  great  num- 
bers of  their  teeth  are  brought  by  the  caravans  into 
Barbary.  The  manner  in  which  Adams  describes 
the  hunting,  in  the  Narrative,  corresponds  exactly 
with  what  he  related  to  me  at  Mogadore ;  as  well 
as  with  the  accounts  which  I  had  previously  heard 
from  traders,  of  the  mode  of  hunting  practised  by 
the  Negroes  of  Timbuctoo. 


Elephant  Hunting,  101 

I  do  not  recollect  the  exact  dimensions  of  the 
elephant  which  Adams  described  to  me  ;  and  1  am 
confident  that  no  such  phenomenon  as  the  ^  four 
"  tusks"  was  mentioned  to  me  at  Mogadore.  In  fact, 
I  do  not  think  that  I  asked  him  any  question  what- 
ever on  the  subject  of  the  teeth,  or  that  they  were 
mentioned  by  him  at  all.         D. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  Adams  has  attributed 
dimensions  to  his  elephant,  which ..  considerably,  am- 
pass  the  limits  of  any  previous  authorities  respecting 
this  most  bulky  of  animals :  but  without  attempting 
to  maintain  the  possibility  of  his  accuracy,  by  quot- 
ing the  authorities  of  Buffon  and  others,  who  have 
represented  the  breed  of  elephants  in  the  interiour 
and  eastern  parts  of  Africa,  as  greatly  exceeding  in 
size  those  of  the  western  coast,  and  even  as  being 
larger  than  the  elephants  of  the  East  Indies ;  all 
that  we  shall  here  contend  for  is,  the  probability,  that 
Adams,  in  this  instance  relates  no  more  than  he 
honestly  believes  he  saw.  He  did  not  approach  the 
animal  nearer  than  three  quarters  of  a  mile  whilst  it 
was  alive  ;  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  sight  for 
the  first  time  of  so  huge  a  body,  when  lying  dead  on 
the  ground,  should  impress  him  with  an  exaggerated 
idea  of  its  dimensions. 

However,  we  will  not  deny  that  the  strange  novel- 
ty of  this  stupendous  creature  seems  to  have  dis- 
turbed Adams's  usual  accuracy  of  observation :  we 
allude  to  his  subsequent  mistake  about  the  animal's 
"  four  tusks." 

It  would  be  dealing  rather  unreasonably  with  a 
rude  sailor,  cast  upon  the  wilds  of  Africa,  to  expect 
that  he  should  in  that  situation,  whilst  every  thing 
was  strange  and  new  around  him,  minutely  observe, 
— or  could  at  a  long  interval  afterwards, .  correctly 


102     Elephant  Hunting. — Alligators. — Courcoo. 

describe, — the  details  of  the  plants*  or  animals  which 
he  had  there  an  opportunity  of  seeing;  and  it  would 
be  unjust,  indeed,  to  make  his  accuracy  on  these 
points  the  standard  of  his  veracity. 

The  same  objects  which  would  be  full  of  interest 
to  a  tutored  eye,  and  would  be  scanned  in  all  their 
parts  with  eager  and  systematick  curiosity,  might 
^ass  almost/unobserved  before  the  vague  and  indif- 
ferent, glance  .of  *an  uncultivated  individual  like 
Adams-;  and  his  recollection  of  them,  if  he  recollect- 
ed them  at  all,  would  only  extend  to  a  rude  and 
indistinct  idea  of  their  general  appearance.  The 
details  in  the  text  leave  no  room  to  doubt  that  it  was 
an  elephant  which  Adams  saw ;  and,  with  respect  to 
the  teeth,  it  must  not  be  forgotten,  that  he  was  ques- 
tioned about  them,  apparently  for  the  first  time,  more 
than  four  years  after  he  saw  the  animal.  If  his  ob- 
servation of  it  might  be  expected  to  be  vague  and 
indistinct,  even  at  first,  it  would  not  be  very  extraor- 
dinary that  his  recollection  of  it,  after  so  long  an  in- 
terval, should  be  far  from  accurate ;  and  we  cannot 
feel  much  surprise  that,  though  he  remembered  that 
the  animal  had  teeth,  he  should  not  be  very  well 
able  to  recollect  whether  it  had  tivo  or  four. 

Note  19,  p.  47. 

Alligators  I  have  been  informed  are  met  with  in 
the  river  near  Timbuctoo ;  but  I  never  heard  the 
hippopotamus  mentioned.         D. 

Note  20,  p.  47. 

I  never  before  heard  of  this  extraordinary  animal, 
either  from  Adams  or  any  one  else.         D. 

*  See  Note  U. 


Courcoo. —  Wild  Beasts. — Birds. — Poison.     103 

It  would  be  unfair  to  Adams  not  to  explain,  that 
when  questioned  as  to  his  personal  knowledge  of  the 
"courcoo,"  it  appeared  that  he  had  never  seen  the 
animal  nearer  than  at  thirty  or  forty  yards  distance. 
It  was  from  the  Negroes  he  learnt  that  it  had  on  its 
back  "  a  hollow  place  like  a  pouch,  which  they  call- 
"  ed  '  coo,''  "  in  which  it  pocketed  its  prey  ;  and 
having  once  seen  the  creature  carrying  a  branch  of 
cocoa  nut  with  its  fruit,  "  which,  as  the  courcoo  ran 
"  swiftly  away,  seemed  to  lie  on  its  back,''  Adams 
concluded  of  course  that  the  pocket  must  be  there ; 
and  further,  that  the  animal  fed  on  cocoa  nuts,  as 
well  as  goats  and  children. 

In  many  respects  Adams's  description  of  the  ani- 
mal, (about  which  the  Narrative  shews  that  he  was 
closely  questioned,)  answers  to  the  lynx. 

JSote  21,  p.  47. 

Lions ,  tigers,  wolves,  hyaenas,  foxes,  and  wild  cats, 
have  been  described  to  me  as  natives  of  most  parts 
of  Soudan  ;  and  are  hunted  by  the  Negroes  on  ac- 
count of  the  ravages  which  they  frequently  make 
amongst  their  flocks  and  domestick  animals.  D. 

Note  22,  p.  47. 

The  birds,  both  wild  and  tame,  are,  to  the  best 
of  my  recollection,  the  same  as  he  previously  de- 
scribed to  me.  The  ostriches  he  told  me  were  hunt- 
ed both  for  their  flesh  and  feathers,  the  latter  not 
being  used  by  the  Negroes,  except  in  trade  with 
the  Moors :  who  occasionally  bring  them  to  Bar- 
bary.         D. 

Jtyte  23,  p,  48. 

The  poisonous  liquid  prepared  from  "  black  lumps 
"like  opium,"  into  which  the  Negroes  of  Tombuc- 


104  Poison. — Anointing. — Maries  of  the  Negroes. 

too  dip  their  arrows,  appears  to  be  the  same  as  that 
which  Park  describes  the  Mandingoes  to  use,  for  a 
similar  purpose. 

"  The  poison,  which  is  very  deadly,  is  prepared 
"  from  a  shrub  called  kooma,  (a  species  of  echites ;) 
"  the  leaves  of  which,  when  boiled  in  a  small  quantity 
"  of  water,  yield  a  thick,  black  juice."  1st  Journey, 
4to.  p.  281. 

Note  24,  p.  49. 

Park  observed  a  similar  custom  of  anointing  their 
persons  among  the  Negroes  of  Bondou.  See  1st 
Journey,  4to.  p.  62.  "  The  cream  of  cows'  milk 
"  is  converted  into  butter  by  stirring  it  violently  in 
"  a  large  calabash.  This  butter  forms  a  part  of 
u  most  of  their  dishes ;  it  serves  likewise  to  anoint 
"  their  heads ;  and  is  bestowed  very  liberally  on 
"  their  faces  and  arms." 

Note  25,  p.  49. 

This  account  of  the  marks  on  the  faces  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Timbuctoo,  agrees  with  that  which 
Adams  gave  at  Mogadore. 

I  have  occasionally  seen  Negroes  with  similar  in- 
cisions on  their  faces,  but  I  cannot  state  with  any 
confidence  that  they  came  from  Timbuctoo.  How- 
ever, I  have  certainly  heard  from  some  of  the  tra- 
ders that  these  marks  are  a  prevalent,  if  not  uni- 
versal, ornament  of  the  male  Negroes  of  that  coun- 
try. 

Many  of  the  Negro  slaves  brought  up  to  Barba- 
ry  by  the  Arabs,  have  the  cartilage  of  the  nose  bor- 
ed through,  in  which  it  is  said,  they  wear  in  their 
own  countries,  a  large  gold  rin§,  in  the  manner  de- 
scribed by  Adams   of  the  Negroes  between  Sou- 


Marks  of  the  Negroes. — Polygamy. — Religion.  105 

denny  and  Timbuctoo.  I  have  frequently  seen  female 
slaves  with  perforations  in  the  lobes  of  their  ears, 
which  had  the  appearance  of  having  been  distended 
by  wearing  heavy  ornaments.         D. 

Note  26,  p.  50. 

Here  again  Adams,  in  his  assertion  of  the  exist- 
ence of  polygamy  amongst  the  Negroes,  and  in 
his  shrewd  observation  of  the  feuds  which  it  excit- 
ed amongst  the  ladies,  may  be  illustrated  and  corro- 
borated by  a  parallel  passage  from  Park. 

"  As  the  Kafirs  (Pagan  Negroes)  are  not  restrict- 
"  ed  in  the  number  of  their  wives,  every  one  mar- 
"  ries  as  many  as  he  can  conveniently  maintain  ;  and 
"  as  it  frequently  happens  that  the  ladies  disagree 
"  amongst  themselves,  family  quarrels  sometimes 
"  rise  to  such  a  height  that  the  authority  of  the  hus- 
"  band  can  no  longer  preserve  peace  in  his  house- 
"  hold."     1st  Journey,  4to.  pp.  39,  40. 

'       Note  27,  p.  51. 

I  cannot  speak  with  any  confidence  of  the  reli- 
gion of  the  Negroes  of  Timbuctoo. 

However,  I  have  certainly  heard,  and  entertain 
little  doubt,  that  many  of  the  inhabitants  are  Mo- 
hammedans: it  is  also  generally  believed  in  Barbary, 
that  there  are  mosques  at  Timbuctoo.  But  on  the 
other  hand,  I  am  pretty  confident  that  the  King  is 
neither  an  Arab  nor  a  Moor ;  especially  as  the  tra- 
ders from  whom  I  have  collected  these  accounts 
have  been  either  the  one,  or  the  other;  and  I  might 
consequently  presume,  that  if  they  did  give  me  er- 
roneous information  on  any  points,  it  would  at  least 
not  be  to  the   prejudice  both  of  their  national  self- 

14 


106  Religio7i. 

conceit,  and  of  the  credit  and  honour  of  their  reli- 
gion. 

I  think  Adams  told  me  that  circumcision  is  not  un- 
frequent  there;  and  I  have  been  informed  by 
traders  that  it  is  common,  though  not  universal, 
throughout  Soudan;  but  without  necessarily  imply- 
ing Mohammedanism  in  those  who  undergo  the 
practice.         Z). 

Park  has  stated  circumcision  to  be  common 
amongst  the  Negroes  nearer  the  coast ;  and  Barrow 
and  other  travellers  describe  the  custom  to  be  preva- 
lent amongst  the  natives  of  some  of  the  countries  of 
southern  Africa;  but  it  does  not  appear  in  either  of 
these  cases  to  be  practised  exclusively  as  a  Mo- 
hammedan rite. 

With  respect  to  the  religious  ceremonies  in  ge- 
neral, of  the  Pagan  natives  of  Soudan,  Park  says, 
that  on  the  first  appearance  of  the  new  moon  they 
say  a  short  prayer,  which  is  pronounced  in  a  whis- 
per, the  party  holding  up  his  hands  before  his  face  ; 
and  that  this  "  seems  to  be  the  only'visible  adora- 
"  tion  which  the  Kafirs  offer  up  to  the  Supreme 
"Being."  (1st  Journey,  4to.  p.  272.)  Thus  far 
Adams's  observation  appears  to  have  been  perfectly 
accurate,  that  they  have  "  no  publick  religion,  no 
"  house  of  worship,  no  priest,  and  never  meet  to- 
"  gether  to  pray."  But  it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that 
there  are  not  Mohammedan  converts  amongst  the 
Negroes  of  Tombuctoo,  who  publicly  exercise  the 
ceremonies  of  their  religion :  and  wTe  apprehend 
that  Adams  will  be  suspected  of  careless  observa- 
tion on  that  subject,  notwithstanding  the  confidence 
with  which  he  speaks  of  it.  Indeed  we  should  have- 
said,  that  he  had  himself  born  testimony  to  some 
of  the  externals  of  Islamism,  when  he  mentions  the 
turbans  which  the  Chiefs  of  Soudenny  and  Toinbuc- 


Religion. — Physicians. — Sorcery.  1 07 

too  occasionally  wore,  did  we  not  learn  from  Park, 
that  the  Kafirs  are  in  the  habit  of  adopting  the  cus- 
toms, names,  and  even  in  some  instances,  the 
prayers*  of  the  Mohammedans,  without  adopting 
their  religious  ceremonies  or  creed. 

Note  28,  p.  52. 

Adams  gave  me  a  particular  description  of  the 
wen  or  swelling  on  the  back  of  his  hand,  and  of  its 
cure  at  Timbuctoo,  in  the  manner  here  related. 

I  may  take  this  opportunity  of  observing,  that  he 
recounted  at  Mogadore,  (what  I  do  not  find  in  the 
Narrative,)  several  miraculous  stories  of  the  super- 
natural powers,  or  charms  possessed  by  some  of  the 
Negroes,  and  which  they  practised  both  defensively 
to  protect  their  own  persons  from  harm,  and  offen- 
sively against  their  enemies.  Of  these  details  I  do 
not  distinctly  remember  more  than  the  following 
circumstance,  which  I  think  he  told  me  happened  in 
his  presence  : 

A  Negro  slave,  the  property  of  a  Desert  Arab, 
having  been  threatened  by  his  master  with  severe 
punishment  for  some  offence,  defied  his  power  to 
hurt  him,  in  consequence  of  a  charm  by  which  he 
was  protected.  Upon  this  the  Arab  seized  a  gun, 
which  he  loaded  with  ball,  and  fired  at  only  a  few 
paces  distance  from  the  Negro's  breast:  but  the 
Negro,  instead  of  being  injured  by  the  shot,  stoop- 
ed to  the  ground,  and  picked  up  the  ball  which  had 
fallen  inoffensive  at  his  feet ! 

It  seems  strange  that  Adams  should  have  omitted 
these  extraordinary  stories  (and  almost  these  alone) 
in  his  Narrative  ;  for  he  frequently  expressed  to  me 
a  firm  belief,  that  the  Negroes  were  capable  of  in- 

*  See  Park's  1st  Journey,  4to.  p.  37. 


108  Sorcery. — Dancing. 

juring  their  enemies  by  witchcraft;  and  he  once 
pointed  out  to  me  a  slave  at  Mogadore,  of  whom,  on 
that  account  he  stood  peculiarly  in  awe.  He  doubt- 
less imbibed  this  belief,  and  learnt  the  other  absurd 
stories  which  he  related,  from  the  Arabs;  some  of 
whom  profess  to  be  acquainted  with  the  art  them- 
selves, and  all  of  whom,  I  believe,  are  firmly  per- 
suaded of  its  existence,  and  of  the  peculiar  profi- 
ciency of  the  Negroes  in  it.         D. 

Is  it  unreasonable  to  suppose,  that  having  found 
his  miraculous  stories,  and  his  belief  in  witchcraft, 
discredited  and  laughed  at,  both  at  Mogadore  and 
Cadiz,  Adams  should  at  length  have  grown  ashamed 
of  repeating  them,  or  even  have  outlived  his  super- 
stitious credulity  ?  This  solitary  instance  of  sup- 
pression (the  particular  stories  suppressed  being  of 
so  absurd  a  nature,)  may  rather  be  considered  as  a 
proof  of  his  good  sense,  and  as  the  exercise  of  a 
very  allowable  discretion,  than  as  evidence  of  an 
artfulness,  of  which  not  a  trace  has  been  detected  in 
any  other  part  of  his  conduct. 

Note  29,  p.  53. 

The  dancing  of  the  people  of  Timbuctoo  has 
been  frequently  described  to  me  by  Adams  ;  and  on 
one  occasion  particularly,  when  some  Negro  slaves 
were  enjoying  this  their  favourite  amusement,  at 
Mogadore,  he  brought  me  to  the  spot,  telling  me 
that  their  dance  was  similar  to  those  in  Soudan  which 
he  had  described  to  me.  The  following  was  the 
nature  of  the  dance: — six  or  seven  men,  joining 
hands,  surrounded  one  in  the  centre  of  the  ring,  who 
was  dressed  in  a  ludicrous  manner,  wearing  a  large 
black  wig  stuck  full  of  cowries.  This  man  at  intervals 
repeated  verses  which,  from  the  astonishment  and 


> 


Dancing.  109 


'O 


admiration  expressed  at  them  by  those  in  the  ring, 
appeared  to  be  extempore.  Two  performers  were 
playing  on  the  outside  of  the  ring;  one  on  a  large 
drum,  the  other  on  a  sort  of  guitar.  They  did  not 
interrupt  the  singer  in  the  ring  during  his  recitations  ; 
but  at  the  end  of  every  verse,  the  instruments  struck 
up,  and  the  whole  party  joined  in  loud  chorus,  danc- 
ing round  the  man  in  the  circle,  stooping  to  the 
ground  and  throwing  up  their  legs  alternately.  To- 
wards the  end  of  the  dance,  the  man  in  the  middle 
of  the  ring  was  released  from  his  enclosure,  and  danc- 
ed alone,  occasionally  reciting  verses ;  whilst  the 
other  dancers  begged  money  from  the  by-standers. 

1  do  not  recollect  to  have  seen  any  of  the  female 
slaves  join  in  these  dances  ;  but  I  have  observed  them 
very  much  interested  whilst  attending  the  diversion: 
sometimes  appearing  extravagantly  delighted,  and  at 
others  exhibiting  signs  of  mourning  and  sorrow. 

These  dances  were  prohibited  soon  after  the  ac- 
cession of  the  present  Emperour  ;  but  they  have  been 
occasionally  permitted  of  late  years.  Whether  the 
prohibition  arose  from  some  connexion,  either  real 
or  supposed,  which  the  dances  had  with  any  of  the 
religious  ceremonies  of  the  Negroes,  offensive  to  the 
Mohammedans,  I  was  never  able  to  ascertain.       D. 

The  dancing  of  the  Negroes  at  Joag  in  Kajaaga, 
as  described  by  Mr.  Park,  corresponds  very  remarka- 
bly with  Adams's  description  of  the  same  amusement 
at  Tombuctoo. 

"  1.  found,"  he  says,  1st  Journey  4to.  p.  68,  "  a 
"  great  crowd  surrounding  a  party  who  were  danc- 
"  ing  by  the  light  of  some  large  fires,  to  the  musick 
"  of  four  drums,  which  were  beaten  with  great 
"  exactness  and  uniformity.  The  dances,  however, 
"  consisted  more  in  wanton  gestures  than  in  muscu- 
"  lar  exertion  or  graceful  attitudes.    The  ladies  vied 


110  Bambarra. — Slaves. 

"  with  each  other  in  displaying  the  most  voluptuous 
M  movements  imaginable.  They  continued  to  dance 
"  until  midnight." 

Note  30,  p.  53. 

This  statement,  which  is  in  opposition  to  the  usual 
opinion  that  Tombuctoo  is  a  dependency  of  Bambar- 
ra,  receives  some  corroboration  from  a  passage  in 
Isaaco's  Journal,  (4to.  p.  205)  where  a  "  Prince  of 
"  Tombuctoo"  is  accused  by  the  King  of  Sego,  of  hav- 
ing, either  personally  or  by  his  people,  plundered 
two  Bambarra  caravans,  and  taken  both  merchandise 
and  slaves.  This  was  in  September  1810,  some 
months  previous  to  the  date  of  the  expeditions  men- 
tioned in  the  Narrative. 

Note  31,  p.  54. 

The  Negro  slaves  brought  to  Barbary  from  Tim- 
buctoo  appear  to  be  of  various  nations;  many  of 
them  distinguishable  by  the  make  of  their  persons 
and  features,  as  well  as  by  their  language.  I  have 
seen  slaves,  who  were  described  as  coming  from  the 
remote  country  of  Wamgara ;  but  the  greater  part 
of  them  aro  brought  from  Bambarra  ;  the  Negroes  of 
that  nation  being  most  sought  after,  and  fetching  the 
highest  prices  in  Barbary. 

1  recollect  an  unusually  tall,  stout  Negress  at 
Mogadore,  whose  master  assured  me  that  she  belong- 
ed to  a  populous  nation  of  cannibals'.  I  do  not'know 
whether  the  fact  was  sufficiently  authenticated;  but 
it  is  certain  that  the  woman  herself  declared  it,  ad- 
ding some  revolting^  accounts  of  her  own  feasts  on 
human  flesh. 

Being  in  the  habit  of  inquiring  from  Negroes  at 
Mogadore  the  manner  of  their  falling  into  slavery,  I 


► 


Slaves,  111 

received,  on  one  such  occasion,  from  a  Bambarreen 
Negro,  a  long  account  of  his  capture,  (on  a  plunder- 
ing expedition)  his  sale,  escape,  and  recapture, 
amongst  different  Negro  nations  before  he  was  final- 
ly sold,  at  Timbuctoo,  to  the  Arabs.  His  account 
was  chiefly  curious  from  Jiis  description  of  a  nation 
which  he  called  Gollo  or  Quallo,  which  conveyed  to 
me  an  idea  of  a  people  more  advanced  in  the  arts, 
and  wealthier  than  any  that  J.  had  previously  heard 
of.  The  King's  palace  and  the  houses  in  general 
were  described  as  superiour  structures  to  those  of 
the  Moors:  and  he  even  spoke  of  domesticated 
elephants  trained  to  war,  of  which  the  King  had  a 
large  force. 

To  this  nation  he  was  conveyed  by  a  party  of  its 
natives,  a  stout  race  of  people  ;  who,  happening  to 
be  in  a  town  on  the  Weil-Nile,  in  which  he  and  half 
of  the  plundering  party  to  which  he  belonged,  had 
been  made  prisoners,  bought  him  from  his  captors, 
and  carried  hirfr«away  to  their  own  country.  They 
arrived  at  Gollo  after  nearly  a  month's  journey  inland 
from  the  river;  during  which  they  crossed  a  large 
chain  of  mountains ;  and  as  far  as  I  could  judge  from 
his  account,  the  country  lay  southeast  of  Bambarra. 
Within  three  days'  journey  of  the  capital  was  a  large 
lake  or  river  which  communicated  with  the  Wed- 
Nile,  by  which  he  eventually  escaped. 

Notwithstanding  the  reserve  with  which  the  sto- 
ries of  Negroes  must  be  received,  there  was  a  cir- 
cumstantiality in  this  man's  account,  which  seemed 
very  like  the  truth ;  and  he  bore  about  him  ocular 
evidence  in  corroboration  of  one  part  of  his  story; 
namely,  that  the  right  ears  of  himself  and  his  plun- 
dering companions  were  cut  off,  as  a  punishment, 
by  the  people  who  sold  him  to  the  Negroes  of 
Gollo.         D. 


112  Punishments. — Shops  and  Trade. 

Note  32,  p.  55. 

It  was  already  evident  from  Park's  accounts,  and 
the  fact  receives  a  more  extended  confirmation  from 
Adams,  that  the  Negroes  in  the  interiour  of  Soudan 
are  in  general  harmless  and  compassionate  in  their  per- 
sonal characters,  and  humane  in  their  laws;  in  which 
respects  they  are  remarkably  distinguished  from 
many  of  their  neighbours  to  the  south,  who,  besides 
the  ordinary  implacability  of  savages  towards  their 
external  and  publick  enemies,  are  not  sparing  of  the 
blood  of  their  own  countrymen,  in  their  quarrels, 
punishments,  or  superstitious  sacrifices. 

Adams's  account  of  the  punishment  assigned  by 
the  laws  of  Tombuctoo  to  the  principal  criminal 
offences,  is  substantially  the  same  as  that  given  by 
Park,  in  speaking  of  the  laws  of  the  Mandingoes; 
amongst  whom,  he  informs  us,  that  murder,  adultery, 
and  whitchcraft  (which,  in  other  words,  is  the  admin- 
istering of  poison)  are  punished  with  slavery.  It 
appears,  however,  that  in  cases  of  murder,  the  rela- 
tions of  the  deceased  have,  in  the  first  instance,  pow- 
er over  the  life  of  the  offender. 

The  infrequency  of  the  punishment  of  death,  in  a 
community  which  counts  human  life  amongst  its 
most  valuable  objects  of  trade,  is  not,  however,  very 
surprising;  and  considerable  influence  must  be  con- 
ceded to  the  operation  of  self-interest,  as  well  as  to 
the  feelings  of  humanity,  in  accounting  for  this  mer- 
ciful feature  (if  it  be  indeed  merciful)  in  the  criminal 
code  of  the  Negroes  of  Soudan. 

Note  33,  p.  55. 

I  do  not  at  present  recollect  whether  Adams  told 
me,  that  there  were,  or  that  there  were  not,  shops 
at  Timbuctoo ;  but,  as  I  have  stated  in  Note    10,  I 


Shops  and  Trade. — Cowries.  113 

have  been  informed  by  some  of  the  traders,  and  am 
disposed  to  believe,  that  there  arc  shops,  in  which 
foreign  merchandise,  and  the  domestick  commodities 
of  the  inhabitants,  are  exposed  for  sale.  Others,  how- 
ever, have  contradicted  this  account. 

The  articles  of  trade  which  Adams  enumerates  in 
the  succeeding  lines,  appear  to  me  to  correspond  with 
tolerable  accuracy  with  those  which  the  caravans 
from  the  Barbary  states  carry  to  Soudan,  and  bring 
from  thence. 

This  trade  from  the  states  of  Morocco,  which  ap- 
pears to  have  been  carried  on  to  a  considerable  and 
uniform  extent  since  the  reign  of  Mulai  Ismael  (at 
whose  death  the  dominion  previously  exercised  by 
the  Moors  over  the  natives  of  Timbuctoo  is  reported 
to  have  been  shaken  off  by  the  latter,)  has  begun  to 
decline  of  late  years,  in  consequence  of  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  market  of  Hamet  a  JWousa  in  the 
territory  of  the  Cid  Heshem,  described  in  a  subse- 
quent note  :  and  I  do  not  suppose  that  more  than  a 
hundred  of  the  Emperour's  subjects  now  annually 
cross  the  Desert. 

With  respect  to  the  caravans  themselves,  their  man- 
ner of  assembling  and  travelling,  the  dangers  which 
they  incur  in  the  Desert  from  the  Shume  wind,  from 
want  of  water,  and  from  the  marauding  disposition 
of  the  Desert  Arabs,  have  been  so  fully  described  in 
other  places,  that  any  further  detail  here  would  be 
unnecessary.         D. 

Note  34,  p.  55. 

In  quoting  the  price  in  cowries  of  a  full  grown 
slave,  Adams  must  certainly  have  committed  a  great 
mistake.  I  remember  he  told  me  that  the  Arabs 
gave  a  considerable  value  in  tobacco  or  other  raer- 

15 


114  Cowries. — Moots  at  Tombuctoo. 

chandise  for  a  slave ;   and  that  he    thought   them 
cheaper  in  the  Desert  than  at  Timbuctoo.         D. 

At  Sansanding  Park  gives  forty  thousand  cowries, 
as  the  current  price  of  a  male  slave :  it  is  not  possible 
that  the  value  either  of  cowries  or  slaves  can  be  so 
utterly  disproportionate  in  two  countries  so  near  to 
each  other.  Adams  must  have  been  quite  in  the 
dark  with  respect  to  the  real  terms  of  the  bargain. 

Note  35,  p.  56. 

That  the  people  of  Timbuctoo  should  feel  some 
jealousy  of  the  tribes  of  Arabs  immediately  in  their 
neighbourhood,  is  extremely  probable,  considering 
the  general  marauding  characters  of  the  latter ;  but 
I  do  not  know  what  particular  measures  of  exclusion 
are  enforced  against  them.  With  respect  to  the 
traders  from  Barbary,  I  have  always  been  told  that 
they  are  permitted  to  reside  at  Timbuctoo  as  long  as 
they  think  proper.  On  the  other  hand,  I  believe, 
that  camel  drivers,  Arab  guides,  and  those  attached 
to  the  caravans,  who  are  either  not  able,  or  not  will- 
ing, to  make  the  King  a  present,  are  excluded.     D. 

Adams's  assertion,  that  he  saw  no  Moors  during 
his  stay  at  Tombuctoo,  except  the  aforesaid  two 
parties,  is  not  so  improbable  as  it  may  at  first  sight 
appear. 

Tombuctoo,  although  it  is  become,  in  consequence 
of  its  frontier  situation,  the  port,  as  it  were,  of  the 
caravans  from  the  north  (which  could  not  return 
across  the  Desert  the  same  season  if  they  were  to 
penetrate  deeper  into  Soudan)  is  yet,  with  respect 
to  the  trade  itself,  probably  only  the  point  from 
whence  it  diverges  to  Haoussa,  Tuarick,  &c.  on  the 
east,  and  to  Walet,  Jinnie,  and  Sego,  in  the  west 
and  south,  and  not  the  mart  where  the  merchandise 
of  the  caravans  is  sold  in  detail.     Park  was  inform- 


Moors  at  Tombuctoo. — Negroes.  115 

ed,  that  Haoussa  and  Walet  were,  both  of  them,  lar- 
ger cities  than  Tombuctoo.  Such  Moors  therefore 
as  did  not  return  to  Barbarj  with  the  returning  cara- 
van, but  remained  in  Soudan  until  the  following  sea- 
son, might  be  expected  to  follow  their  trade  to  the 
larger  marts  of  the  interiour,  and  to  return  to  Tom- 
buctoo, only  to  meet  the  next  winter's  caravans. 
Adams,  arriving  at  Tombuctoo  in  February,  and 
departing  in  June,  might  therefore  miss  both  the 
caravans  themselves  and  the  traders  who  remained 
behind  in  Soudan :  and,  in  like  manner,  Park  might 
find  Moors  carrying  on  an  active  trade  in  the  summer, 
at  Sansanding,  and  yet  there  might  not  be  one  at 
Tombuctoo. 

With  respect  to  the  trade  actually  carried  on  at 
Tombuctoo  (which  makes  but  an  insignificant  figure 
in  Adams's  account,)  we  can  only  regret  that  a  per- 
son placed  in  his  extraordinary  situation,  was  not 
better  qualified  to  collect  or  communicate  more  satis- 
factory information  on  this  and  many  other  interest- 
ing subjects.  However,  his  lists  of  the  articles  of 
trade  show  that  he  was  not  wholly  unobservant  in 
this  respect;  and  we  cannot  but  think  it  probable 
that  the  "  armed  parties  of  a  hundred  men  or  more," 
which  he  describes  at  page  53,  as  going  out  once  a 
month  for  slaves, and  returning  sometimes  in  a  week, 
and  sometimes  after  a  longer  absence,  were  in  reali- 
ty traders. 

Note  36,  p.  56. 

I  was  frequently  told  by  Adams,  who  appeared  to 
take  pleasure  in  speaking  of  the  circumstance,  that 
the  Negroes  behaved  to  him  on  all  occasions  with 
great  humanity,  never  insulting  or  illtreating  him  on 
account  of  his  religion,  as  the  Arabs  did.  He  was 
never  confined  at  Timbuctoo,  but  could  go  where  he 
pleased.     Upon  these  grounds  I  entertain  little  doubt 


116         Negro  Curiosity, — Crossing  the  Desert, 

(and  I  was  conrfimed  in  my  opinion  by  Timbuctoo 
traders  with  whom  I  conversed  on  the  subject)  that 
had  Adams  explained  his  story  to  the  Negroes,  and 
expressed  any  unwillingness  to  accompany  the  Arabs 
on  their  return,  he  would  have  been  rescued  out  of 
their  hands,  and  left  at  liberty.  I  do  not  recollect 
whether  he  told  me,  that  the  idea  had  ever  occurred 
to  him;  but,  if  it  did,  it  is  probable  that  when  he 
came  to  consider  his  hopeless  prospect  of  reaching 
the  seacoast,  if  left  to  himself,  and  that  the  Arabs  had 
promised  to  take  him  to  Suerra  after  their  expedi- 
tion to  Soudenny ;  he  would  prefer  the  chance  of  ulti- 
mate liberation  afforded  him  by  accompanying  the 
Arabs,  of  whose  severe  treatment  he  had  then  had 
but  a  short  experience.         D. 

Note  37,  p.  56. 

I  do  not  imagine  that  the  curiosity  of  the  Negroes 
can  have  been  excited  so  much  on  account  of  Adams's 
colour,  as  because  he  was  a  Christian,  and  a  Chris- 
tian slave,  which  would  naturally  be  to  them  a 
source  of  great  astonishment.  The  Negroes  must 
have  seen,  in  the  caravans  from  the  Barbary  states 
which  annually  visit  the  countries  of  Soudan,  and 
Timbuctoo  in  particular,  many  Moors,  especially 
those  from  Fez,  of  a  complexion  quite  as  light  as 
that  of  Adams.         D. 

•  Note  38,  p.  56. 

September  and  October  are  the  months  in  which 
the  caravans  from  Barbary  to  Timbuctoo  assemble 
on  the  northern  confines  of  the  Desert.  They  com- 
mence their  journey  as  soon  as  the  first  rains  have 
cooled  the  ground,  and  arrive  again  from  the  De- 
sert about  the  month  of  March.         Z). 


Crossing  the  Desert. — Joliba.  117 


7? 


Whilst  Adams  states  in  the  text,  on  the  one  hand, 
that  the  Desert  can  be  crossed  only  in  winter  during 
the  rainy  season,  it  appears,  on  the  other,  that  he 
himself  must  have  crossed  it  in  July.  (See  Note  60.) 
Yet,  upon  examination,  the  circumstances  of  the  Nar- 
rative will  be  found  not  only  to  reconcile  this  appa- 
rent contradiction,  but  even  to  add  to  the  internal 
evidence  of  the  truth  of  Adams's  story.  The  winter 
is,  admittedly,  the  only  proper  time  for  crossing  the 
Desert,  and  (as  Mr  Dupuis  states  in  the  preceding 
part  of  this  Note,)  the  trading  caravans  from  Barba- 
ry  never  attempt  the  journey  at  any  other  season. 
But  the  solitary  troop  of  Arabs  from  the  Woled 
D'leim  do  not  appear  to  have  come  to  Tombuctoo  for 
the  ordinary  purposes  of  trade.  Their  only  object 
seems  to  have  been  to  ransom  their  imprisoned  com- 
rades :  and  having  this  alone  in  view,  they  would 
naturally  come  as  soon  as  they  had  ascertained  the 
captivity  of  the  latter  and  prepared  the  means  of 
redeeming  them  ;  without  regarding  the  inconve- 
niences of  travelling  at  an  unusual  season.  Their  ex- 
traordinary sufferings,  and  loss  of  lives,  from  heat 
and  thirst  in  returning  across  the  Desert,  may  be 
hence  accounted  for. 

This  explanation  moreover  confirms,  and  is  cor- 
roborated, by  Adams's  subsequent  remark,  in  page 
62,  that  the  Arabs  of  Woled  D'leim  (which  was  the 
home  of  his  ransomers)  to  be  of  the  same  tribe  as 
those  of  the  douar  whither  he  was  first  conveyed 
from  the  coast,  and  consequently,  as  those  who  were 
taken  prisoners  with  him  at  Soudenny. 

Note  39,  p.  57. 

This  apparently  unimportant  passage  affords,  on 
examination,   a    strong    presumption   in    favour   of 


1 1 8  Joliba. — Negro  Language. 

the  truth  and  simplicity  of  this  part  of  Adams's  Nar- 
rative. 

In  the  course  of  his  examinations,  almost  every 
new  inquirer  eagerly  questioned  him  respecting  the 
Joliba;  and  he  could  not  fail  to  observe,  that,  be- 
cause he  had  been  at  Tombuctoo,  he  was  expected, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  either  to  have  seen,  or  at  least 
frequently  to  have  heard  of,  this  celebrated  river. 
Adams,  however,  fairly  admits  that  he  knows  no- 
thing about  it :  and,  notwithstanding  the  surprise  of 
many  of  his  examiners,  he  cannot  be  brought  to  ac- 
knowledge that  he  had  heard  the  name  even  once 
mentioned  at  Tombuctoo.  All  that  he  does  recol- 
lect is,  that  a  river  Joliba  had  been  spoken  of  at 
Tudenny,  where  it  was  described  as  lying  in  the 
direction  of  Bambarra. 

Those  who  recollect  Major  Rennell's  remarks  re- 
specting the  Niger,  in  his  "Geographical  Illustrations," 
will  not  be  much  surprised  that  Adams  should 
not  hear  of  the  "  Joliba"  from  the  natives  of  Tom- 
buctoo. At  that  point  of  its  course,  the  river  is 
doubtless  known  by  another  name  :  and  if  the  Joliba 
were  spoken  of  at  all,  it  would  probably  be  accom- 
panied (as  Adams  states  in  the  text)  with  some  men- 
tion of  Bambarra,  which  may  be  presumed  to  be  the 
last  country  eastward  in  which  the  Niger  retains  its 
Mandingo  name. 

Note  40,  p.  57. 

Some  of  the  words  mentioned  in  this  short  speci- 
men of  the  Negro  language  are  Arabick ;  for  in- 
stance,— killed,  a  dog ;  feel,  an  elephant ;  dar,  a 
house  :  also  the  names  which  he  has  given  for  "date" 
and  "  fig"  ;  but  the  word  carna,  which  he  has  prefix- 
ed to  the  latter,  signifying  "  tree,"  is  not  Arabick. 
Whether  Adams,  in  consequence  of  the  short  oppor- 


Taudeny. —  Wolcd  D^leim.  119 

tunity  which  he  had  of  hearing  the  language  of  the 
Negroes,  and  his  subsequent  long  residence  amongst 
the  Arabs,  has  confounded  the  two  languages  in  the 
above  instances;  or  whether  there  may  not  really 
be  some  mixture  of  the  languages  at  Timbuctoo  (as 
not  unfrequently  happens  in  the  frontier  places  of 
adjoining  countries,)  I  cannot  pretend  to  determine. 

It  is  at  least  certain,  that  Adams  did  know  some- 
thing of  the  Negro  language,  for  I  have  frequently 
heard  him  hold  conversations  with  the  slaves  at  Mo- 
gadore ;  especially  with  a  young  Negro  who  used 
to  visit  my  house  on  purpose  to  see  Adams,  and  (as 
he  has  himself  told  me)  to  converse  with  him  about 
his  own  country,  where,  he  has  often  assured  me, 
Adams  had  been.         D. 

Note  41,  p.  60. 
Taudeny  has  been  frequently  described  to  me  by 
traders  in  a  manner  which  corresponds  with  Adams's 
account ;  it  being  reported  to  have  four  wells  of 
good  water,  and  a  number  of  date  and  fig  trees :  the 
inhabitants  are  represented  as  quite  black,  but 
without  the  Negro  features.  The  salt  pits  consist 
of  large  beds  of  rock  salt,  in  the  manner  that  Adams 
describes,  and  of  very  considerable  extent.  Their 
produce  is  in  much  request  at  Timbuctoo,  and  in  all 
Soudan,  whither  it  is  sent  in  large  quantities ;  the 
people  of  Taudeny  receiving  in  return  slaves  and 
merchandise,  which  they  again  exchange  with  the 
Arabs  of  Woled  D'leim,  and  Woled  Aboussebah,  for 
camels,  horses,  or  tobacco ;  so  that  I  should  imagine 
Taudeny  to  be  a  place  of  importance,  and  highly  in- 
teresting.        D. 

Note  42,  p.  62. 
Woled  DHeim  is  the  douar  of  a  tribe  of  Arabs- 
inhabiting  the  eastern  parts  of  the  Desert  from  the 


ir 

120  Woled  DHeim.—El  Kabku 

latitude  of  about  twenty  degrees  north  to  the  tropick. 
I  have  been  informed  by  travellers  who  have  visited 
these  parts,  that  they  are  a  tribe  of  great  extent  and 
power;  that  they  inhabit  detached  fertile  spots  of 
land  where  they  find  water,  and  pasturage  for  their 
flocks,  but  do  not  at  all  practise  agriculture.  I  have 
occasionally  seen  Arabs  of  this  tribe  during  my  resi- 
dence at  Mogadore.  They  appear  to  be  an  extreme- 
ly fine  race  of  men.  Their  complexion  is  very  dark, 
almost  as  black  as  that  of  the  Negroes ;  but  they 
have  straight  hair,  which  they  wear  in  large  quan- 
tities, aquiline  noses,  and  large  eyes.  Their  beha- 
viour was  haughty  and  insolent:  they  spoke  with 
fluency  and  energy,  appeared  to  have  great  powers 
of  rhetorick  ;  and  I  was  told  that  many  of  them  pos- 
sessed the  talent  of  making  extempore  compositions 
in  verse,  on  any  object  that  attracted  their  notice. 
Their  arms  were  javelins  and  swords.         D. 

Note  43,  p.  64. 

The  circumstances  of  Adams's  neglect  of  his  em- 
ployment, and  of  the  punishment  which  he  received  in 
consequence,  appear  to  have  made  a  strong  impres- 
sion on  him ;  for  he  frequently  mentioned  them  to 
me  ;  always  adding,  that  he  had  firmly  determined 
to  persevere  in  his  resistance,  though  it  had  cost  him 
his  life.         £>. 

Note  44,;?.  66. 

Adams  described  the  circumstances  of  his  escape 
from  the  Woled  DHeim  to  El  Kabla^  precisely  as  they 
are  here  related :  but  he  observed  to  me  that,  with 
respect  to  masters,  he  had  scarcely  bettered  his  con- 
dition ;  and  at  all  times  he  shewed  an  inveterate  ani- 


El  Kabla.—Aisha.  121 

mosity  against  any  of  the  Arabs  of  the  Desert  whom 
he  saw  at  Mogadore. 

El  Kabla  means  the  eastern  Arabs,  so  distinguished 
from  those  of  west  Barbary  and  the  coast.  In  the 
pronunciation  of  a  Desert  Arab,  the  name  might 
sound  very  like  El  Gibla,  or  Hilla  Gibla. 

These  people  inhabit  large  tracts  of  the  Desert  on 
the  northern  limits  of  the  Woled  D'leim.  They  are 
looked  upon  as  a  tribe  of  considerable  importance, 
and  are  frequently  employed  by  the  traders  in  cross- 
ing the  Desert,  serving  as  guides  or  escorts  as  far 
as  Taudeny.  They  have  been  represented  to  me 
as  a  haughty  and  ferocious  race,  yet  scrupulously 
observant  of  the  rites  of  hospitality.  In  persons  they 
are  said  to  resemble  their  Woled  D'leim  neighbours, 
being  extremely  dark,  straight  haired,  and  of  the 
true  Arabian  feature.  They  are  reported  to  be  de- 
scendants from  the  race  of  Woled  Aboussebah;  from 
whom  they  probably  separated  themselves,  in  conse- 
quence of  some  of  the  disputes  which  frequently  in- 
volve the  Desert  tribes  in  domestick  wars.  Their 
large  flocks  of  sheep  and  goats  supply  them  with 
outer  raiment  as  well  as  food  ;  but  the  blue  shirts  of 
Soudan,  are  almost  universally  worn  by  them  as  un- 
der garments.         ZX 

Note  45',  p.  68. 

These  details  of  Adams's  amour  with  Aisha&re  the 
same  as  he  gave  to  me  at  Mogadore.  Of  the  fact 
itself  1  can  entertain  no  doubt,  from  the  following 
circumstances : 

After  the  loss  of  the  "  Charles"  it  had  been  my 
constant  practice,  when  traders  went  to  the  Desert,  to 
commission  them  to  make  inquiries  respecting  the  re- 
mainder of  the  crew,  who  were  in  the  possession  of  the 
Arabs ;  and,  in  particular,  respecting  those  who  had 

16 


1 22  Aisha. —  Woled  Aboussebah. 

been  reported  to  me  to  be  carried  eastward.  On  the 
return  of  one  of  these  men  from  El  Kabla,  he  told  me 
that  there  was  a  Christian  slave  at  that  place,  in  pos- 
session of  an  Arab,  who  would  doubtless  be  very  glad 
to  dispose  of  him,  in  consequence  of  the  slave  having 
been  detected  in  an  affair  with  his  wife.  He  then 
briefly  related  to  me  the  same  story,  in  substance,  as 
I  afterwards  heard  from  Adams. 

I  also  heard  of  it  from  a  trader  from  Wed-Noon, 
who  told  me  of  Adams  being  there  some  time  before  I 
effected  his  ransom  :  I  was  informed  at  the  same  time, 
that  this  trait  of  his  character  and  history  was  much 
talked  of  at  Wed-Noon.         D. 

Note  46,  p.  68. 

Villa  de  Bousbach  should  be  Woled  Aboussebah ; 
Woled  signifying  sons  or  children,  and  being  common- 
ly applied  to  all  the  tribes  of  Arabs. 

The  Woled  Aboussebah  is  a  considerable  tribe  of 
Arabs  distinct  from  the  Woled  D'leirn,  inhabiting 
large  tracts  of  the  northern  and  western  parts  of  the 
Desert.  They  report  themselves  to  be  descendants 
from  the  line  of  sheriffes,  or  race  of  the  Prophet. 
Their  country  is  described  as  a  Desert  interspersed 
with  spots  of  fertile  land,  where  they  fix  their  douars, 
and  pasture  their  flocks  of  goats,  sheep,  and  camels. 
Their  diet  is  occasionally  the  flesh  of  their  flocks, 
but  chiefly  the  milk  of  the  niag,  or  female  camel. 
They  trade  with  their  northern  neighbours  for  dates 
and  tobacco;  being,  immoderately  fond  of  the  latter 
for  their  own  consumption  in  snuff  and  smoking,  and 
employing  it  also  in  their  trade  with  Soudan  for 
slaves  and  blue  cottons. 

As  this  tribe  is  reported  to  reach  quite  down 
to  the  seacoast,  and  to  be  spread  over  a  very  ex- 
tensive tract  of  country,  there  are  various  branches 


Woled  Aboussebah.  123 

of  it,  who  consider  themselves  wholly  independent 
of  each  other,  jet  all  calling  themselves  the  "  Woled 
"  Aboussebah."  Those  who  inhabit  the  seacoast 
are  supplied  with  double  barrelled  guns,  and  various 
implements  of  iron,  by  trading  vessels  from  the  Ca- 
nary Islands,  for  which  they  give  cattle  in  exchange. 
They  are  represented  to  be  very  expert  in  the 
management  of  their  horses,  and  in  the  use  of  fire- 
arms, being  excellent  marksmen  at  the  full  speed  of 
the  horse,  or  of  the  Desert  Camel  (heirie.)  They 
have  frequent  wars  with  their  southern  and  eastern 
neighbours,  though  without  any  important  results; 
the  sterility  of  the  soil,  throughout  the  whole^of  this 
region  of  sand,  affording  little  temptation  to  its  in- 
habitants to  dispossess  each  other  of  their  territorial 
possessions. 

The  inhabitants  of  Wed-Noon  are  descended  from 
this  tribe,  and  owe  their  independence  to  its  sup- 
port :  for  the  Arabs  of  Aboussebah  being  most  nu- 
merous on  the  northern  confines  of  the  Desert,  pre- 
sent a  barrier  to  the  extension  of  the  Emperour  of 
Morocco's  dominion  in  that  direction. 

During  the  discords  and  civil  wars  which  raged 
in  Barbary  previous  to  the  present  Emperour's  tran- 
quil occupation  of  the  throne  of  Morocco,  a  horde  of 
these  Arabs,  amounting  to  about  seven  thousand 
armed  men,  seizing  that  opportunity  of  exchanging 
their  barren  Deserts  for  more  fertile  regions,  over- 
ran the  southern  parts  of  the  Empire.  Mounted  on 
horses  and  camels,  and  bearing  their  tents  and  fami- 
lies with  them,  they  pursued  their  course,  with  little 
or  no  opposition,  until  they  reached  the  provinces  of 
Abda  and  Shiedma^  which  lie  between  Saffy  and 
Mogadore,  where  they  were  opposed  by  the  Arabs 
of  those  provinces,  united  with  a  powerful  tribe  call- 
ed Woled-el-Haje,  who  inhabit  a  fertile  country  north 
of  the  river  Tensift.     The  Woled  Aboussebah  were, 


1 24    Woled  Abomsebah. — Seamen  at  Wed-Noon. 

however,  victorious,  and  a  dreadful  slaughter  of  their 
enemies  ensued  ;  who,  after  oeing  driven  down  to 
the  sea,  were  cut  to  pieces  without  mercy,  neither 
women  nor  children  escaping  the  massacre.  The 
victors  then  took  possession  of  the  country,  where 
they  settled,  and  maintained  themselves  against  all 
opposition;  and  they  now  form  a  part  of  the  sub- 
jects of  the  Emperour  of  Morocco.         D. 

Note  47,  p.  I'd. 

The  mate  and  the  seamen  of  the  "  Charles,"  whom 
Adams  ^escribed  to  have  found  at  Wed-Noon,  were, 
to  my  knowledge,  in  that  town  a  considerable  time 
previous  to  his  arrival. 

Some  explanation  may  no*  be  out  of  place  here,  of 
the  reasons  why  these  men  did  not  reach  the  Era- 
perour's  dominions,  at  the  period  when  the  three  of 
the  Charles'S  crew,  whom  I  have  before  named, 
were  ransomed. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  the  Arab  of  Aboussebah 
(whom  I  have  mentioned  in  Note  6)  at  Santa  Cruz 
on  his  way  to  Mogadore,  with  Nicholas,  Newsham, 
and  Nelson,  the  Governour  of  that  city  and  district 
wished  to  take  possession  of  the  Christians  in  order 
to  send  them  to  the  Emperour:  but  the  Arab  re- 
fused to  part  with  them,  not  considering  himself  a 
subject  of  the  Emperour,  or  under  the  control  of 
any  of  the  rulers  of  Barbary ;  and  he  accordingly 
escaped  out  of  the  city  with  his  property  by  night ; 
but  before  he  reached  Mogadore  he  was  overtaken 
by  two  soldiers  whom  the  Governour  had  dispatch- 
ed after  him,  and  who  accompanied  him  and  the 
Christians  to  me. 

The  Arab  then  declared  to  me,  that  it  never  was 
his  intention  to  take  his  slaves  to  the  Emperour, 
that  he  had  bought  them  in  the  Desert  in  the  hopes 


Seamen  at  Wed-Noon. — BeLCossim-Mdallah.  125 

of  making  some  profit  by  their  ransom,  and  that,  if 
he  succeeded  in  this  object,  he  would  return,  and  en- 
deavour to  bring  the  others  up  to  Mogadore.  Upon 
this,  I  bargained  with  him  for  the  purchase  of  them  ; 
but  refusing  to  accept  the  highest  sum  which  it  was 
in  my  power  to  offer  him,  he  left  me,  pretending 
that  he  had  resolved  to  take  his  slaves  to  Fez, 
where  the  Emperour  then  was.  Fearful  of  trusting 
the  men  again  in  his  power,  I  objected  to  his  taking 
them  from  under  my  protection,  unless  thoy  were 
entrusted  to  the  care  of  a  Moorish  soldier ;  but 
the  Governour  of  Mogadore  refused  to  grant  him 
a  soldier  for  that  purpose.  Thus  circumstanced, 
he  was  at  length  compelled  to  accept  the  proffered 
ransom. 

The  dissatisfaction  which  the  Arab  felt  at  the 
result  of  his  journey,  and  at  the  interference  of  the 
Governours  of  Santa  Cruz  and  Mogadore,  was,  I 
fear,  the  cause  why  the  rest  of  the  Charles's  crew 
were  not  subsequently  brought  up  to  be  ransomed  ; 
but  it  could  not  be  helped.         D. 

Note  48,  p.  73. 

The  sale  of  Adams  at  Wed-Noon  to  Bel-Cossim- 
Abdallah  was  mentioned  to  me  by  him  at  Moga- 
dore ;  Adams  observing  that  he  had  been  bought 
by  Bel-Cossim  very  cheap,  the  latter  having  paid 
no  more  for  him  than  the  value  of  seventy  dollars 
in  barter. 

This  part  of  the  Narrative  was  further  confirmed 
by  Bel-Cossim  himself;  who  having  arrived  at 
Mogadore  some  time  after  Adams  had  been  ransom- 
ed, called  upon  me,  and  requested  permission  to  see 
him.  Bel-Cossim  then  shewed  a  great  regard  for 
him,  and  told  me  that  he  had  been  unwilling  to  part 
with  him,  when  he  was  ransomed.         D. 


126     Montezuma.'— 'French  Renegade. — Kanno. 

Note  49,  p.  73. 

The  following  is  ark  extract  of  a  letter  from  P.  W. 
Brancker,  Esq.  of  Liverpool,  in  reply  to  an  inquiry 
into  the  truth  of  this  part  of  Adams's  story. 

"  Liverpool,  Nov.  28,  1815. 

"  The  American  seaman  is  correct  as  to  the  loss 
"  of  a  vessel  from  this  port,  but  makes  a  small  mis- 
"  take  in  the  name ;  for  it  appears  that  the  ship 
"  Montezuma,  belonging  to  Messrs.  Theodore  Kos- 
44  ter  and  Co.,  and  bound  from  hence  to  the  Brazils, 
"was  wrecked  on  the  2d  November,  1810,  between 
"  the  Capes  de  Noon  and  Bajedore  on  the  coast  of 
"  Barbary ;  that  the  master  and  crew  were  made 
"  prisoners  by  a  party  of  Arabs,  and  that  he  (the 
"  master)  was  taken  off  without  the  knowledge  of  the 
"  persons  in  whose  service  he  then  was,  and  might 
"  therefore  be  supposed  to  be  murdered ;  for  being 
"  left  in  charge  of  a  drove  of  camels,  he  was  found 
"  by  a  party  of  the  Emperour's  cavalry  and  carried 
"  off  to  Morocco,  from  whence  he  was  sent  to  Gib- 
"  r  altar. 

"  It  is  also  said  that  the  crew  have  obtained  their 
"  liberty,  except  one  boy." 

Note  50,  p.  74. 

I  have  often  heard  of  this  French  renegade,  and  of 
his  "manufacture  of  gunpowder ;  he  is  said  to  have 
died  about  two  years  ago.         D. 

Note  51,  p.  74. 

It  has  already  been  stated  (see  Note  31)  that 
many  of  tjie  slaves  purchased  at  Tombuctoo,  and 
brought  by   the   Arabs    across    the  Desert,  came 


Kanno.  127 

from  countries  even  as  far  east  of  that  city  as  Wan- 
gara ;  it  is  therefore  not  unreasonable  to  suppose, 
that  Kanno,  mentioned  in  the  text,  may  be  the  king- 
dom of  Ghana,  or  Cano,  which  D'Anville  places  on 
the  Niger,  between  the  tenth  and  fifteenth  degrees  of 
eastern  longitude.  Assuming  this  to  be  the  fact,  the 
curious  relation  of  the  Negro  slave  at  Wed-Noon 
might  afford  ground  to  conjecture,  that  Park  had 
made  further  progress  down  the  Niger  than  Amadi 
Fatouma's  story  seems  to  carry  him ;  further,  we 
mean,  than  the  frontier  of  Haoussa. 

In  fact,  the  time  which  intervened  between  Park's 
departure  from  Sansanding,  and  his  asserted  death, 
would  abundantly  admit  of  his  having  reached  a 
much  more  distant  country  even  than  Ghana:  for  ac- 
cording to  Isaaco  and  Amadi  Fatouma  (see  Park's 
Second  Mission,  4to.  p.  218,)  he  had  been  four  months 
on  his  voyage  down  the  Niger  before  he  lost  his  life ; 
having  never  been  on  shore  during  all  that  time. 
This  long  period  is  evidently  quite  unnecessary  for 
the  completion  of  an  uninterrupted  voyage  from  San- 
sanding to  the  frontiers  of  Haoussa :  for  Park  was 
informed  by  Amadi  Fatouma  himself,  that  the  voyage 
even  to  Kashna  (probably  more  than  twice  the  dis- 
tance, according  to  Major  Rennell's  positions  of 
these  places,)  did  not  require  a  longer  period  than 
two  months  for  its  performance.* 

*  In  quoting  Major  Rennell's  authority  for  the  distance  between 
Haoussa  and  Kask?ia,  the  writer  referred  to  the  Map  accompanying  the 
first  edition  of  the  Geographical  Illustrations  of  Park's  First  Mission. 
In  a  later  edition  of  the  Map  the  estimated  distance  between  the  two 
countries  has  been  shortened.  This,  however,  only  furnishes  an  addi* 
tional  instance  of  the  varying  statements  of  African  authorities,  with- 
out affecting  the  general  scope  of  the  observations  in  Note  51  ;  since, 
whatever  be  the  precise  distance  between  the  frontiers  of  Haoussa  and 
those  of  Kashna,  the  general  result  of  all  the  statements  on  the  subject 
leaves  no  reason  to  doubt,  that  the  latter  lie  considerably  further  to  the 
eastward  tfan  the  former,  and  consequently,  in  the  same  degree,  more, 
remote  from  Sansanding. 


128  Kanno. 

The  mention  of  Kashna  reminds  us  of  another 
remarkable  circumstance  in  Amadi  Fatouma's  state- 
ments.  In  the  instance  just  quoted,  he  appears  to 
be  inconsistent  with  himself;  but  in  the  passages  to 
which  we  allude,  we  find  him  at  issue  with   Park. 

In  his  last  letter  to  Sir  Joseph  Banks,  announcing 
the  completion  of  his  preparations,  and  written  ap- 
parently only  three  days  before  he  commenced  his 
voyage  from  Sansanding,  Park,  speaking  of  Amadi 
Fatouma,  says,  u  I  have  hired  a  guide  to  go  with  me 
"to  Kashna  ;"  and  again,  in  the  same  letter, "  I  mean 
"to  write  from  Kashna  by  my  guide."  But  Amadi 
Fatouma,  in  accounting  for  his  separation  from  Park 
before  the  fatal  catastrophe,  tells  quite  another  story. 
He  asserts,  that  he  was  only  engaged  to  go  to  Ha- 
oussa :  and  an  apparently  forced  prominence  is  given 
to  this  assertion  by  his  manner  of  making  it.  His 
words  are  these  (p.  212  :)  "  Entered  the  country  of 
"  Haoussa,  and  came  to  an  anchor.  Mr.  Park  said  to 
"  me,  ;Now,  Amadi,  you  are  at  the  end  of  your  jour- 
" ;  ney.  /  engaged  you  to  conduct  me  here  ;  you  are 
"'going  to  leave  me.'"  Almost  the  same  words 
are  repeated  a  few  lines  afterwards;  with  this  differ- 
ence, however,  that  Amadi  Fatouma  now  quotes  the 
remark  as  his  own.  "1  said  1o  him  (Mr.  Park)  1 
"  have  agreed  to  carry  you  to  Haoussa ;  we  are  now  in 
"  Haoussa.  I  have  fulfilled  my  engagements  with  you  ; 
"  I  am  therefore  going  to  leave  you,  and  return." 

The  reader  will  not  need  to  be  informed,  that 
Amadi  Fatouma's  account  goes  on  to  state,  that 
Park  and  his  party  lost  their  lives  the  day  but  one 
after  he  (Amadi)  had  thus  parted  from  them ;  and 
that  they  had  previously  thrown  into  the  river  "  every 
"  thing  they  had  in  the  canoe  ;"  a  proceeding  for 
which  no  sufficient  reason  is  afforded  by  the  details 
in  the  Journal. 


>'\ 


Adams'*  $  ill  treatment. — Death  of  the  Mate.       129 

We  are  quite  disposed  to  make  all  due  allowances 
for  the  evidence  of  an  African,  conveyed  to  us 
through  an  uncertain  translation ;  hut,  we  really 
think,  that  the  discordances  which  we  have  quoted, 
(joined  to  other  improbabilities  in  the  Narrative) 
warrant  a  suspicion  that,  either  with  respect  to  the 
circumstances  of  Park's  death,  or  to  the  appropria- 
tion of  his  effects,  Amadi  Fatouma  had  something  to 
conceal.  We  are  not,  however,  very  confident  that 
the  further  prosecution  of  this  inquiry  could  lead  to 
any  satisfactory  conclusion  ;  for  whatever  suspicion 
it  might  tend  to  throw  on  Amadi  Fatouma's  state- 
ment of  the  time,  place,  and  circumstances  of  Park's 
lamented  death,  it  could  not,  we  fear,  justify  a  rea- 
sonable doubt,  at  this  distant  period,  of  the  actual  oc- 
currence, in  some  mode  or  other,  of  the  melancholy 
event  itself. 

Note  52,  p.  77. 

I  heard  from  several  other  persons  of  the  ill 
treatment  which  Adams  received  from  Hameda-Bel- 
Cossim,  his  master's  son;  and  the  Moors  who  visited 
Wed-Noon  corroborated  the  account  of  his  unshaken 
resolution,  and  of  the  punishment  which  he  suffered 
in  consequence  of  it,  having  been  put  in  irons  and 
in  prison.         D. 

Note  53,  p.  77. 

I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  truth  of  the  circum- 
stances here  related  by  Adams  respecting  Stephen 
Dolbie,  except  as  to  the  fact  of  his  dying  in  conse- 
quence of  a  wound  given  by  Brahim.  Other  accounts 
stated  that  he  died  at  Wed-Noon  of  a  fever  only,  the 
effects  of  a  cold  contracted  by  gathering  in  the  harvest 
during  heavy  rain :  and  this,  as  far  as  I  can  recol- 
17 


** 


130  Christian  Slaves. 

Ject,  was  the  account  which  Adams  gave  me  at  Mo- 
gadore.  I  remember  that  he  told  me  he  had  assisted 
at  Dolbie's  interment,  and  that  he  had  afterwards 
covered  the  grave  with  stones.         D. 

Mte  54,  p.  78. 

I  can  easily  believe  Adams's  statement  of  the  bru- 
tal treatment  he  experienced  at  Wed-JVoon.  It  is 
consistent  with  the  accounts  I  have  always  heard  of 
the  people  of  that  country,  who  I  believe  to  be  more 
bigoted  and  cruel  than  even  the  remoter  inhabitants 
of  the  Desert.  The  three  men  of  the  Charles's  crew 
already  mentioned,  complained  vehemently  of  the 
miseries  they  had  suffered,  though  they  had  been  but 
a  comparatively  short  time  in  slavery ;  and  one  of  them 
shewed  me  a  scar  upon  his  breast,  which  he  told  me 
was  the  mark  of  a  wound  given  him  by  one  of  the 
Arabs. 

In  the  frequent  instances  which  have  come  under 
my  observation,  the  general  effect  of  the  treatment  of 
the  Arabs  on  the  minds  of  the  Christian  captives,  has 
been  most  deplorable.  On  the  first  arrival  of  these 
unfortunate  men  at  Mogadore,  if  they  have  been 
any  considerable  time  in  slavery,  they  appear  lost 
to  reason  and  feeling,  their  spirits  broken,  and 
their  faculties  sunk  in  a  species  of  stupor  which  1 
am  unable  adequately  to  describe.  Habited  like 
the  meanest  Arabs  of  the  Desert,  they  appear  de- 
graded even  below  the  Negro  slave.  The  succes- 
sion of  hardships  which  they  endure  from  the  caprice 
and  tyranny  of  their  purchasers,  without  any  protect- 
ing law  to  which  they  can  appeal  for  alleviation  or 
redress,  seems  to  destroy  every  spring  of  exertion 
or  hope  in  their  minds  ;  they  appear  indifferent  to 
every  thing  around  them, — abject,  servile,  and  bruti- 
fied. 


Christian  Slaves,  131 

Adams  alone  was,  in  some  respects,  an  exception 
from  this  description.  I  do  not  recollect  any  ran- 
somed Christian  slave  who  discovered  a  greater 
elasticity  of  spirit,  or  who  sooner  recovered  from 
the  indifference  and  stupor  here  described. 

it  is  to  be  remarked,  that  the  Christian  captives 
are  invariably  worse  treated  than  the  idolatrous  or 
Pagan  slaves  whom  the  Arabs,  either  by  theft  or 
purchase,  brinagj^rom  the  interiour  of  Africa;  and 
that  religious  Ij^Bry  is  the  chief  cause  of  this  dis- 
tinction. The  zealous  disciples  of  Mohammed  con- 
sider the  Negroes  merely  as  ignorant  unconverted 
beings,  upon  whom,  *by  the  act  of  enslaving  them, 
they  are  conferring  a  benefit,  by  placing  them  with- 
in reach  of  instruction  in  the  "  true  beliet ;"  and 
the  Negroes  having  no  hopes  of  ransom,  and  being 
often  enslaved  when  childien,  are  in  general,  soon 
converted  to  the  Mohammedan  faith.  The  Chris- 
tians, on  the  contrary,  are  looked  upon  as  hardened 
infidels,  and  as  deliberate  despisers  of  the  Prophet's 
call ;  and  as  they  in  general  stedfastly  reject  the 
Mohammedan  creed,  and  at  least  never  embrace  it 
whilst  they  have  hopes  of  ransom,  the  Mooslim, 
consistently  with  the  spirit  of  many  passages  in  the 
Koran,  views  them  with  the  bitterest  hatred,  and 
treats  them  with  every  insult  and  cruelty  which  a 
merciless  bigotry  can  suggest. 

It  is  not  to  be  understood,  however,  that  the 
Christian  slaves,  though  generally  ill  treated  and  in- 
humanly worked  by  their  Arab  owners,  are  persecut- 
ed by  them  ostensibly  on  account  of  their  religion. 
They,  on  the  contrary,  often  encourage  the  Chris- 
tians to  resist  the  importunities  of  those  who  wish 
to  convert  them :  for,  by  embracing  Jslamism  the 
Christian  slave  obtains  his  freedom  ;  and  however  ar- 
dent may  be  the  zeal  of  the  Arab  to  make  proselytes, 


#* 


132  Christian  Slaves, 

it  seldom  blinds  him  to  the  calculations  of  self  in- 
terest. 

A  curious  instance  of  the  struggle  thus  excited 
between  Mohammedan  zeal  and  worldly  interest, 
was  related  to  me  to  have  occurred  at  Wed-Noon, 
in  the  case  of  a  boy  belonging  to  an  English  ves- 
sel, which  had  been  wrecked  on  the  neighbouring 
coast  a  short  time  previous  to  the  "  Charles." 

This  boy  had  been  persuaded  to  embrace  the  Mo- 
hammedan faith;  but  after  a  littte  while,  repenting 
of  what  he  had  done,  he  publicly  declared  that  he 
had  renounced  the  doctrines  of  the  Koran,  and  was 
again  a  Christian.  To  punish  so  atrocious  an  out- 
rage, the  Arabs  of  Wed-Noon  resolved  to  burn  him; 
and  they  would  no  doubt  have  punctually  performed 
the  ceremony,  but  for  the  interference  of  the  man 
from  whose  service  the  boy  had  emancipated  him- 
self by  his  first  conversion.  This  man  contended, 
that  by  abjuring  the  Mohammedan  faith,  the  boy 
had  returned  into  his  former  condition  of  slavery, 
and  was  again  his  property;  and  in  spite  of  the 
most  opprobrious  epithets  which  were  heaped  upon 
him  (including  even  the  term  u  infidel,"  the  horrour 
and  abomination  of  all  true  Mooselmin)  the  man 
insisted  that  if  they  would  burn  the  boy,  they  should 
first  reimburse  him  for  the  value  of  a  slave.  Re- 
luctant to  lose  their  sacrifice,  the  Arabs  now  at- 
tempted to  raise  money  by  subscription  to  purchase 
the  boy ;  and  contributions  were  begged  about  the 
town  to  burn  the  Christian.  But  in  the  end,  as  they 
made  slow  progress  towards  obtaining  by  these 
means  a  sufficient  sum  to  purchase  the  boy,  they  re- 
linquished their  project;  the  owner,  however  was 
shortly  afterwards  obliged  to  remove  his  slave  to 
another  part  of  the  country,  to  secure  him  from  pri- 
vate assassination.         D. 


Davison  and  Williams  escape  from  Wed-Noon.  133 

Note  56,  p.  78. 

Adams  describes  correctly  the  tenour  of  my  Let- 
ter addressed  to  the  survivors  of  the  crew  of  the 
"Charles"  at  .Wed-Noon.  His  account,  also  of  the 
behaviour  of  Williams,  is  confirmed  by  the  testimo- 
ny of  the  man  whom  I  employed  to  purchase  Adams, 
who  was  a  Moor, — and  not,  as  Adams  supposes,  an 
European  in  disguise.  He  informed  me,  that  he 
found  that  Adams's  two  companions  had  embraced 
the  Mohammedan  faith;  but  that  the  younger,  in 
particular,  interested  him  s»  deeply  by  his  tears,  and 
by  his  earnest  supplications  that  he  would  take  him 
to  Mogadore,  that  he  could  not  himself  refrain  from 
tears ;  and  was  half  inclined  to  steal  him  away  let 
the  consequence  be  what  it  would.  He  also  assur- 
ed me  that  he  gave  him  some  money  at  parting,  and 
a  few  rags  for  clothing. 

Just  previous  to  my  quitting  Mogadore  in  Octo- 
ber, 1814,  these  two  men  contrived  to  make  their 
escape,  as  Mohammedans,  from  Wed-Noon,  and 
reaching  Mogadore  in  safety,  they  staid  there  only 
a  few  hours  and  then  departed  for  Tangier.  I 
learnt  shortly  afterwards  that  upon  their  arrival  at 
the  latter  city,  they  claimed  the  protection  of  their 
respective  Consuls  there,  (one  of  the  men  being  an 
Englishman  and  the  other  an  American)  disclaim- 
ing the  Mohammedan  faith ;  but  it  was  not  without 
much  difficulty  and  negotiation,  during  which  time 
the  men  were  placed  in  confinement,  that  they 
were  ultimately  liberated  and  restored  to  the  Chris- 
tian world.         D. 

Note  56,  p.  79. 

I  was  informed  by  the  man  who  brought  Adams 
to  Mogadore,  that  he  had  passed  through  the  coun- 
try called  Bled-Cidi'Heshem*  on  his  return ;  having 


1 34  Bled-Cidi-Heshem. 

gone  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  another  of  the 
Charles's  crew,  {Martin  Clark,  a  black  man,)  who 
was  in  slavery  there,  in  which  he  could  not  then  suc- 
ceed. 

The  country  is  just  on  the  southern  confines  of 
the  Emperour's  dominions.  It  is  a  small  independ- 
ent state  of  Shilluh,  and  (as  described  by  Adams) 
lies  in  lower  Suse.  The  Chief  here  mentioned, 
the  Cid  Heshem,  who  has  successfully  resisted  the 
endeavours  of  his  neighbours  to  subvert  his  go- 
vernment, is  the  descenctant  of  Cidi  Harriet  a  Mous- 
5«,  a  reputed  modern  Saint,  who  during  his  life  was 
highly  venerated  for  his  justice  and  piety,  and  whose 
tomb,  since  his  death,  has  been  resorted  to  by 
religious  Mooselmin  from  many  parts  of  South 
Barbary  and  the  Desert.  This  chief  has  lately  open- 
ed an  extensive  trade  with  Soudan,  for  gums,  cot- 
tons, and  ostrich  feathers,  ivory,  gold  dust,  and 
slaves,  which  are  sold  by  his  agents  at  the  great 
annual  market  of  Harriet  a  Moussa,  The  traders 
from  Southern  Barbary  resort  to  this  market  in 
great  numbers ;  and  I  have  heard  it  asserted,  that 
they  can  there  purchase,  for  money,  the  produce 
of  Soudan,  to  more  advantage  than  they  can  them- 
selves import  it,  without  taking  into  account  the 
risks  and  fatigues  of  the  journey ;  insomuch,  that 
but  for  the  important  object  of  disposing  of  their 
own  commodities  in  barter,  in  the  douars  of  the 
Desert  and  the  markets  of  Soudan,  I  apprehend 
that  very  few  of  the  native  traders  of  Barbary 
would  continue  to  cross  the  Desert. 

It  appears  by  the  account  which  Adams  subse- 
quently gives  of  this  market,  that  he  must  have 
been  there;  and  the  time  of  his  journey  corres- 
ponds with  the  season  when  it  is  held :  but  I  think 
he  must  have  committed  an  errour,  in  placing  it  more 
than  a  day's  journey  from  the   residence  of  the  Cid 


m 


Confirmation  of  Adams's  Statement.         1 35 

Heshem  ;  as  the  sanctuary  and  market  of  Cidi  Ha- 
met  a  Moussa  are  within  the  small  territory  of  this 
Chief,  who  himself  presides  during  the  market  days, 
to  preserve  order  and  tranquillity. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  district,  as  I  have  stated 
before,  are  Shilluh  ;  who  are  a  distinct  race  from  the 
Arabs,  and  ha\e  different  dress,  customs,  and  lan- 
guage. They  live  in  houses  built  of  stone,  which 
are  generally  situated  on  eminences  and  fortified, 
for  security  in  their  domestick  wars.  They  are 
possessed  of  a  fertile  country,  producing  abundance 
of  barley  and  some  wheat.  The  fruits  and  vege- 
tables common  in  South  Barbary  are  also  grown 
here.  Their  sheep  and  goats  are  of  the  finest 
breed,  and  are  frequently  brought  to  Mogadore 
as  presents:  and  their  camels  are  much  esteemed 
for  their  patience  and  great  power  of  enduring  fa- 
tigue.*        D. 

Note  57,  p.  81. 

I  did  frequently  interrogate  Adams,  when  at  Moga- 
dore, respecting  his  travels  in  Africa ;  and  frequent- 
ly sent  for  persons  ivho  had  been  at  the  places  he 
described,  in  order  to  confront  their  accounts  with 
his,  and  especially  to  ascertain  the  probability  of  his 
having  been  at  Timbuctoo.  Amongst  these  indi- 
viduals was  a  Shieck  of  Wed-Noon,  a  man  of  great 
consideration  in  that  country,  who  had  been  seve- 
ral times  at  Timbuctoo  in  company  with  trading 
parties;  and  who,  after  questioning  Adams  very 
closely  respecting  that  city  and  its  neighbourhood, 
assured  me  that  he  had  no  doubt  that  he  had  been 
there  Another  Moorish  trader  who  was  in  the 
habit  of  frequenting  Timbuctoo  gave  me  the  same  ac- 

*  For  a  more  detailed  description  of  the  ShiUuh,  see  the  Appendix, 
No.  II. 


1 36  Fez. — Tangier. — Reckonings. 

count.  In  short,  it  was  their  universal  opinion  that 
he  must  have  been  at  the  places  he  described,  and 
that  his  account  could  not  be  a  fabrication.         D. 

Note  58,  p.  82. 

I  did,  about  the  time  stated  by  Adams,  send  him  to 
Fez  to  the  Emperour,  under  the  protection  of  one  sol- 
dier and  a  muleteer.         D. 

Note  59,  p.  82. 

Having  visited  Tangier  myself  a  few  months  af- 
terwards, I  there  learnt  from  Mr.  Simpson,  that  he 
had  sent  Adams  to  Cadiz  a  few  days  after  his 
arrival.         D. 

Note  60,  p.  83. 

Upon  a  minute  examination  of  Adams's  Narrative, 
a  considerable  difference  will  be  found  to  exist  be- 
tween his  collective  estimates  of  the  time  he  remain- 
ed in  Africa,  and  the  actual  interval  between  the 
dates  of  his  shipwreck  and  return;  the  aggregate  of 
the  former  amounting  to  about  four  years  and  three 
months,  whilst  the  real  time  doe*  not  appear  to  have 
exceeded  three  years  and  seven  months.  It  is  not  dif- 
ficult to  conceive,  that  the  tedium  of  so  long  a  period 
of  slavery  and  wretchedness  would  easily  betray 
Adams  into  an  errour  of  this  nature  ;  especially  in  a 
situation  where  he  possessed  no  means  of  keeping  a 
minute  account  of  the  lapse  of  time ;  and  it  is  reason- 
able to  presume,  that  when  he  speaks  of  having  re- 
sided six  mouths  at  one  place,  eight  at  another,  and 
ten  at  a  third,  he  has,  in  each  of  these  estimates, 
somewhat  overrated  the  real  duration  of  these  te- 
dious and  wretched  portions  of  his  existence. 

When  this  discrepancy  in  his  statements  was  point- 
ed out  to  him,  and  he  was  led  to  reconsider  in  what 
part  of  his  Narrative  the  errour  lay,  it  did  not  ap- 


Reckonings  of  Time  and  Distance.  137 

pear  to  change  his  persuasion  of  the  accuracy  of  any- 
detached  portion  of  his  estimates.  He  did  however 
express  his  peculiar  conviction  that  he  was  at  least 
accurate  in  the  number  of  days  occupied  in  his  jour- 
neys from  place  to  place.  On  this  occasion,  as  on 
many  others  in  the  course  of  his  numerous  examina- 
tions, it  was  impossible  not  to  derive  from  the  indis- 
position which  he  evinced  to  conform  to  the  opinion 
of  others,  upon  points  on  which  he  had  once  given  an 
opposite  deliberate  opinion  of  his  own,  a  strong  im- 
pression of  his  general  veracity  and  sincerity. 

It  was  at  Wed-Noon  that  the  first  opportunity  oc- 
curred to  him  after  his  shipwreck,  of  correcting  his 
reckoning  of  time  ;  his  arrival  at  which  place,  (as  he 
was  informed  by  the  French  renegade  whom  he 
found  there)  having  occurred  about  the  middle  of 
August,  1812,  or  about  eight  months  earlier  than  his 
own  computation  would  have  made  it.  Assuming 
therefore  the  Frenchman's  account  to  have  been 
correct,  and  deducting  Adams's  excess  of  time  in 
relative  proportions  from  his  stationary  periods  at 
Tombuctoo,  Woled  D'leim,  and  other  places,  the 
following  will  be  the  probable  dates  of  the  several 
stages  of  his  travels  : — 

1810,  October  1 1. — Shipwrecked  at  El  Gazie. 
December  13. — Set  out  on  the  expedition 

to  Soudenny. 

1811,  February  5. — Arrived  at  Tombuctoo. 
June  9. — Departed  from  Ditto.* 
August  11. — Arrived  at  Woled  D'leim. 

1812,  March  7. — Departed  from  Ditto. 

June  20. — Departed  from  El  Kabla. 
August  23. — Arrived  at  Wed-Noon. 

*  He  says  they  had  a  few  drops  af  rain  before  his  departure,  which 
in  some  degree  confirms  the  accuracy  of  this  date ;  since  the  tropical 
rains  in  the  latitude  of  Tombuctoo,  may  be  supposed  to  commence 
early  in  June. 

18 


138  Reckonings  of  Time  and  Distance. 

1813,  September  23. — Departed  from  Wed-Noon. 
October  6. — Arrived  at  Mogadore. 

1814,  April  22.— Departed  from  Ditto. 
May  17. — Arrived  at  Cadiz. 

To  this  statement  with  respect  to  time,  we  may  add 
the  following  summary  of  the  distances  of  his  respective 
journeys,  collected  from  the  Narrative  at  his  highest 
estimates. 


JOURNEYS. 


From  El  Gasie  to  the  Douar 
in  the  Desert  ■»■•  0  -  -  - 
On  the  Journey  to  Soudenny 
Ditto  Ditto  -  -  -  - 
To  the  Village  where  the 
Moors  were  put  to  death  - 
To  Tombuctoo 


Distance  in  British  Miles  from 
the  Coast  to  Tombuctoo     - 


To  the  point  of  departure  from 
La  Mar  Zarah     -    -    -    - 

—  Taudeny     ------ 

—  the    border  of  the  Sandy 
Desert   ------- 

In  the  Sandy  Desert    -    -    - 

Ditto 

From  the  edge  of  the  Sandy 

Desert  to  Woled  D'leim     - 

To  El  Kabla 

—  Woled  Abousseb&h    -    -    - 

—  Woled  Adrialla  -    -    -    - 

—  Aiata  Mouessa  Alt  -    -    - 

—  Wed-Noon      -    -    -    -    - 

—  Akkadia     ------ 

—  Bled  Cidi  Heshem    -    -    - 

—  Agadeer  or  Santa  Cruz    - 

—  Suerra  or  Mogadore      -  < 

Distance  in  British  Miles  from 
Tombuctoo  to  Mogadore 


Days. 


30 

13 

4 

10 
15 


10 
13 

1 
14 
15 

1 

2 
9 
6 
3 

5 

1 
2 
4 
4 

1 


Course. 


6.  S.  E. 

S.  S.  E.  \  S 

E. 

E.  by  N. 


E.  N.  E. 

N. 

N.  W. 


N.  by  W. 

N.  E. 

N.  N.  W. 

N.  W. 

N. 

N.  E. 

N.  by  W. 

N. 


Rate  in 
Miles 


15 
20 
20 

20 
20 


18 
18 

20 
18 
12 

12 

18 
25 
18 
16 
30 
30 

20 
10 


Distance 


450 

260 

80 

200 
300 


1290 


180 
234 

20 
252 
180 

12 
30 
162 
150 
54 
80 
30 
60 
90 
80 
10 


1624 


Reckonings  of  Time  and  Distance.  139 

These  distances,  as  well  as  the  courses  of  his  jour- 
neys, will  be  found  accurately  represented  by  the 
ruled  line  in  the  Map:  and  it  is  impossible  to  observe 
how  nearly  they  approach  to  what  may  be  presum- 
ed to  be  the  truth,  without  being  astonished  at 
Adams's  memory,  and  at  the  precision  with  which  he 
estimated  his  course  with  no  other  compass  than  the 
rising  and  setting  of  a  vertical  sun. 


CONCLUDING  REMARKS. 


We  shall  close  our  remarks  on  Adams's  Narrative 
with  a  brief  review,  of  the  extent  to  which  it  has 
hitherto  been  confirmed,  and  of  the  credibility  of 
those  parts  of  it  which  still  rest  on  his  own  unsupport- 
ed testimony.  The  first  part  of  this  examination 
may  be  disposed  of  in  a  very  few  words. 

The  preceding  notes  will  be  found  to  contain  an 
uninterrupted  chain  of  evidence  by  which  his  course 
may  be  traced  backwards  from  London,  through 
Cadiz,  Tangier,  Mequinez,  Fez,  Mogadore,  and 
Wed-Noon,  to  the  Douar  of  El  Kabla  in  the  depths 
of  the  Desert  His  adventure  with  Aisha  at  El  Ka- 
bla— the  fame  of  which  preceded  him  to  Mogadore, 
and  adhered  to  him  during  his  residence  at  Wed- 
Noon — sufficiently  establishes  the  identity  of  the  in- 
dividual whom  Mr.  Dupuis  received  from  the  Desert. 
From  Mogadore,  he  is  delivered  into  the  hands  of 
the  American  Consul  at  Tangier,  who,  in  his  turn, 
transmits  him  to  Cadiz,  where  he  is  traced  into  the 
service  of  Mr.  Hall.  The  Cadiz  gentleman  who 
first  discovered  him  in  the  streets  of  London,  sup- 
plies the  last  link  to  this  chain  of  identity  ;  and  com- 
pletes the  proof  (strengthened  by  other  circumstan- 
ces) that  the  gallant  of  Aisha  at  El  Kabla,  and  the 
Tombuctoo  traveller  in  London,  whether  known  by 
the  name  of  Adams,  or  Rose,  is  one  and  the  same 
individual. 

Passing  now  to  the  earlier  part  of  his  adventures, 
we  find  the  time  and  circumstances  of  his  shipwreck, 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  141 

and  his  conveyance  eastward  into  the  Desert,  con- 
firmed by  three  of  the  Charles's  crew  who  were 
first  ransomed  ;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  fact  of 
the  individual  in  question  being  actually  one  of  the 
seamen  of  the  Charles,  is  fully  established  by  the 
testimony  of  Davison  and  Williams,  his  comrades  at 
Wed-Noon,  who  may  be  said  to  have  delivered  him, 
as  such,  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Dupuis'  agent, — and 
who  confirmed  the  fact  upon  their  subsequent  arri- 
val at  Mogadore.* 

Thus  far  Adams's  story  is  supported  and  confirm- 
ed by  direct  external  evidence.  We  have  seen  it 
accompany  him  far  into  the  Desert;  and  there  find 
him  again,  at  a  greater  distance  from  the  coast  than 
any  other  Christian,  we  believe,  has  ever  been  trac- 
ed in  these  inhospitable  regions.  But  between  these 
two  points  of  his  advance  and  return,  a  wide  inter- 

*  It  ought  to  be  mentioned  in  this  place,  because  it  affords  an  ad- 
ditional proof  of  Adams's  accuracy  on  such  points  as  he  ought  to  be 
well  acquainted  with,  that  ten  of  the  eleven  individuals  composing  the 
crew  of  the  Charles  at  the  time  of  her  wreck,  were  either  ransomed  by 
Mr.  Dupuis,  or  accounted  for  to  him  through  other  channels  than 
Adams,  by  the  same  names,  (his  own  excepted)  which  the  latter  has 
given  in  the  first  page  of  this  Narrative.  The  following  is  Mr.  Dupuis' 
memorandum  on  the  subject : — 

Horton,  Capt ,  died  immediately  after  the  wreck. 

Nicholas,  seaman. 

Newsham,  ditto,    )    Ransomec|  three  months  after  the  wreck. 

Nelson,  ditto,        $ 

Dolbie,  mate,  died  at  Wed-Noon  in  1813. 

Rose,  (alias  Adams)  ransomed  ditto, 

Clark,  black  seaman,  ditto,      -      1814. 

Davison,  seaman,   l  R        ades  at  Wed-Noon,  but  liberated  in  1814. 

W  llhams,  boy,       $  ° 

Matthews,  an  old  man,  reported  to  have  died  in  the  Desert. 

Recapitulation,  7  liberated, 
3  dead, 
1  unaccounted  for. 

11  Total  number  stated  by  Adams  :  of  whom  Stephens 
alone,  (whom  he  says  he  left  at  Woled  D'leim,)  was  never  heard  of  by 
Mr.  Dupuis. 


142  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

val  occurs,  during  which  we  entirely  lose  sight  of 
him :  and  we  must  therefore  be  content  to  receive 
this  part  of  his  story  on  his  own  credit  alone,  illus- 
trated by  such  indirect  corroborations  as  we  may  be 
enabled  to  glean  from  other  sources. 

This  unsupported  part  of  Adams's  story  extends, 
it  will  be  seen,  from  the  Douar  to  which  he  was  first 
conveyed  from  the  coast,  until  his  arrival  at  El  Ka- 
bla  ;  occupying  a  period  of  fifteen  or  sixteen  months, 
— a  period  which  the  Narrative  fills  up  with  the  ex- 
pedition to  Soudenny, — the  journey  to,  and  residence 
at,  Tombuctoo, — and  the  return  through  Taudeny 
across  the  Desert  to  Woled  D'leim  and  El  Kabla. 
We  do  not  deem  in  necessary  to  extend  our  examina- 
tion to  the  whole  of  these  journeys,  because  if  we 
shall  be  fortunate  enough  to  satisfy  the  reader  that 
Adams  is  entitled  to  credit  as  far  as  Tombuctoo,  we 
conceive  that  no  doubt  can  be  raised  respecting  his 
journey  from  thence  to  El  Kabla. 

We  have  already  entered  so  fully  into  the  question 
of  the  probability  of  the  expedition  to  Soudenny,  in 
Note  7,  p.  89,  that  the  reader  would  hardly  excuse 
us  for  repeating  in  this  place  the  arguments  which 
were  there  adduced  in  support  of  it.  We  shall 
therefore  confine  our  remarks  to  the  journey  from 
thence  to  Tombuctoo. 

But  before  we  enter  upon  this  examination,  we  are 
anxious  to  caution  our  readers  against  suspecting  us 
of  setting  up  any  pretensions  to  minute  accuracy, 
either  in  the  situation  which  we  have  assigned  to 
Soudenny  in  the  Note  in  question,  or  in  any  positions 
of  places  in  the  map  adjusted  from  data  necessarily 
so  vague  as  those  afforded  by  Adams  :  neither  must 
it  be  forgotten  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  precise 
situations  of  the  places  which  we  have  used  as  the 
standards  of  his  accuracy,  are  rather  assumed  than 
proved.     There  may  be  errours  in  both  cases :  and 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  143 

in  the  latter,  it  is  at  least  as  probable  that  such  errours 
may  contribute  to  increase  the  apparent  inaccuracy 
of  Adams's  positions,  as  that  they  lend  to  those  posi- 
tions any  undue  degree  of  probability.  Without, 
therefore,  pretending  to  determine  whether  the  Ne- 
gro dominion  does  actually  reach  to  the  16th  degree 
of  north  latitude  under  the  assumed  meridian  of  Sou- 
denny,  (that  the  Negro  population  extends  so  far  we 
presume  no  one  will  doubt)  or  whether  Adams's 
real  course  lay  further  to  the  south  than  his  Narrative 
warrants  us  in  placing  it,  we  must  at  least  contend 
that  the  approximation  of  Adams's  evidence  on  this 
part  of  his  journey,  to  the  best  standards  by  which  it 
can  be  tried,  is  astonishingly  near  ; — so  near,  indeed, 
that  if  we  had  not  been  assured,  upon  the  undoubted 
authority  of  Mr.  Dupuis,  that  the  first  account  of  his 
courses  and  distances  which  he  gave  them  fresh  from 
the  Desert,  afforded,  with  respect  to  Tombuctoo,  the 
same  results  as  those  which  we  are  now  remarking,  we 
should  have  been  rather  tempted  to  suspect  that  this 
degree  of  coincidence  was  the  result  of  contrivance, 
than  to  have  derived  from  the  degree  of  his  discord- 
ance with  other  authorities  any  doubts  of  the  reality 
of  his  journeys.  Those  who  are  most  conversant 
with  questions  of  this  nature  will  best  appreciate  the 
extreme  difficulty  w7hich  an  unscientifick  individual 
must  find  in  even  approaching  to  the  truth  in  his 
computations  of  the  direction  and  extent  of  a  long 
succession  of  journeys :  even  the  evidence  of  so  prac- 
tised an  observer  as  Park  was  not  sufficiently  precise, 
to  secure  the  eminent  compiler  of  the  Map  of  hiv 
first  Journey  from  very  considerable  inaccuracies. 
which  Park  on  his  second  mission,  by  the  aid 
of  his  instruments  of  observation,  was  enabled  to 
correct. 

On  the  whole,  since  the   circumstances  stated  by 
Mr.   Dupuis  entirely  preclude  all  suspicion  of  con- 


144  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

trivance  in  Adams's  account  of  his  route  in  Africa* 
(a  contrivance  which  he  was  too  ignorant  to  invent 
himself  and  in  which,  when  he  arrived  from  the 
Desert,  he  had  had  no  opportunity  of  being  instruct- 
ed by  others)  we  do  not  conceive  how  it  is  possible 
to  resist  the  circumstantial  corroboration  of  his  story 
which  the  application  of  his  route  to  the  Map  affords ; 
unless,  indeed,  by  resorting  to  the  preposterous 
supposition  that  so  uniform  an  approach  to  the  truth, 
throughout  a  journey  of  nearly  three  thousand  miles, 
could  be  purely  accidental.  But  to  return  to  the 
particular  question  before  us. 

In  addition  to  the  grounds  already  adduced  for 
placing  Soudenny  within  the  Bambarran  territories, 
Adams  may  fairly  claim  the  advantage  of  another 
circumstance  mentioned  by  Park;  we  mean  the  fluc- 
tuating state  of  the  line  of  boundary  itself  Considera- 
ble changes  in  that  respect  had  occurred  within  a 
few  months  of  the  period  when  Park  crossed  the 
frontier  in  question  : — -the  seeds  of  further  changes 
were  perceptible,  both  in  the  restless  and  marauding 
disposition  of  the  Moors,  and  in  the  preponderating 
strength  of  the  King  of  Bambarra  :  and  it  would  by 
no  means  follow  (if  the  question  were  really  of  im- 
portance to  Adams's  story)  that  the  northern  fron- 
tiers of  the  state  must,  in  181 1,  be  the  same  as  they 
were  supposed  to  be  in  1796.* 

Placing  Soudenny,  therefore,  wifhin  the  frontiers 
of  Bambarra,  in  the  sixteenth  or  possibly  the  fif- 
teenth degree  of  north  latitude,  and  about  the  fifth 
or  sixth  of  west  longitude,  we   shall  find  Adams's 

*  In  one  direction  at  least,  (to  the  west)  the  King  of  Bambarra's 
frontiers  appear  to  have  been  much  extended  in  1810;  for,  according 
to  isaaco's  Journal,  4to.  p.  11)4,  they  cannot  be  placed  more  than  three 
or  four  short  days'  journey  from  Giocha  [Joko) ;  although  according  to 
Park's  first  map,  the  distance  from  Joko  to  the  nearest  frontiers  of 
Bambarra  is  at  least  ten  days'  journey.  There  had  been  a  war  in 
1801,  in  these  parts ;  being  the  second  war  in  six  years. 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  145 

account  of  his  course  and  distance  from  thence  to 
Tombuctoo,  approach  with  extraordinary  accuracy 
to  the  line  of  journey  required.     We  possess  too  lit- 
tle knowledge  of  the  countries  through  which  this 
route  would  lie,  to  pronounce  with  any  confidence 
upon  the  probability  of  the  circumstances  of  his  jour- 
ney.    What  we  can  at  present  know  upon  the  sub- 
ject must  be  learnt  from  Park ; — who  informs  us,  that 
to  the  eastward  of  Bambarra,  between  that  kingdom 
and  Tombuctoo,  lies  the  Foulah  kingdom  of  Masina. 
It  is  not  known  to  what  latitude  the  north  frontiers 
of  the  latter  kingdom  extend ;  but  we  are  told  that 
it  is  bounded  on  that  side  by  the  Moorish  kingdom  of 
Beeroo ;  and  there  is  great  reason  to  suppose,  with 
Major  Rennell,*  that  the  Moorish  population  which 
to  the  westward  touches  the  Senegal,  does  from  that 
point  incline  in  an  oblique  line  to  the  northward  of 
east,  as  it  advances  from  the  west  along  the  limits  of 
Soudan.     Admitting  this  retrocession  of  the  Moors 
towards  the  Desert,  the  Negroes  of  Soudenny  would 
find  a  secure  route,  through  Negro  countries,  along 
the  extreme  frontierst  of  Bambarra  and  Masina  to 
the  borders  of  Tombuctoo,  generally  in  the  direction 
described  by  Adams. 

Why  the  Negroes,  if  they  were  actually  Bambar- 
rans,  should  convey  their  prisoners  to  Tombuctoo 
rather  than  to  Sego,  may  not  perhaps  be  quite  so 
apparent  as  some  of  Adams's  readers  may  require  : 
but  it  would  be  pushing  the  caution  of  incredulity  to 
an  unreasonable  extreme  to  disbelieve  the  asserted 

*  See  Park's  First  Mission,  Appendix,  4to.  p.  Ixxxix. 

f  Adams  states  his  rout  to  have  lain  through  barren  and  uninhabit- 
ed districts ;  and  Park,  speaking  of  Soudan  generally,  says,  first  Mission, 
4to.  p.  261,  "the  borders  of  the  different  kingdoms  were  either  very 
thinly  peopled,  or  entirely  deserted."  See  also  his  Account  of  the 
country,  east  of  Benown,  near  the  frontiers  of  Bambarra,  p.  116, — •«  a 
sandy  country" — p.  121,  »  a  hot  sandy  country  covered  with  small 
stunted  shrubs." 

19 


146  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

fact  on  that  account  alone.  Desirous  as  we  may  bef 
supposed  to  be,  to  obviate  the  doubts  of  the  most 
skeptical,  we  can  hardly  venture  to  suggest  any  mo- 
tives for  this  journey  which  are  not  supplied  by  the 
Narrative  itself,  or  by  some  collateral  testimony.  Yet, 
we  will  hazard  this  brief  remark,  that  if  it  were  the 
object  of  the  Negroes  to  place  their  prisoners  in  a 
situation  where  they  would  be  at  once  secure  from 
rescue,  yet  accessible  to  the  interference  of  their  fel- 
lows for  the  purpose  of  ransom,  (for  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  the  imprisoned  Arabs  did  not  belong 
to  a  neighbouring  state,  but  were  a  troop  of  maraud- 
ers from  a  distant  tribe  of  the  Desert)  we  can  hard- 
ly conceive  a  more  probable  course  than  that  of  con- 
veying them  to  Tombuctoo. 

We  are  aware  that  it  may  be  objected  to  these  re- 
marks that  they  take  for  granted,  that  Tombuctoo 
is  a  Negro  state,  and  at  least  in  amity  with,  if  not  a 
dependency  of,  the  King  of  Bambarra ;  and  we  shall 
probably  be  told  that  Tombuctoo  is  under  the  do- 
minion of  the  Moors,  and  that  Adams's  account  of  it 
must  consequently  be  untrue. 

In  reply  to  such  an  objection  we  would  by  no 
means  deny  that  Adams's  entire  liberation  of  Tombuc- 
too from  the  tyranny  of  the  Moors  or  Arabs,  does 
present  a  difficulty, — especially  with  reference  to 
Park's  information  on  the  same  subject.  But  let  us 
fairly  examine  how  the  question  stands  with  respect 
to  Adams's  testimony  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  evi- 
dence to  which  it  is  opposed  on  the  other. 

In  Adams  we  find  an  individual  relating  travels 
and  adventures,  which  are  indeed  singular  and  ex- 
traordinary, but  are  told  with  the  utmost  simplicity 
and  bear  strong  internal  marks  of  truth.  Placed  in 
a  wide  and  untravelled  region,  where  a  mere  narra- 
tor of  fables  might  easily  persuade  himself  that  no 
one  would  trace  or  detect  him,  we  find  Adams  re- 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  147 

sis  ting  the  temptation  (no  slight  one  for  an  ignorant 
sailor)  of  exciting  the  wonder  of  the  credulous,  or 
the  sympathy  of  the  compassionate,  by  filling  his 
story  with  miraculous  adventures,  or  overcharg- 
ed pictures  of  suffering.  In  speaking  of  himself  he 
assumes  no  undue  degree  of  importance.  He  is 
rather  subordinate  to  the  circumstances  of  the  story, 
than  himself  the  prominent  feature  of  it;  and  almost 
every  part  of  his  Narrative  is  strictly  in  nature,  and 
unpretending. 

Unexpectedly  to  this  individual,  and  in  his  ab- 
sence, an  opportunity  occurs  of  putting  his  veracity 
and  his  memory  to  the  test,  on  many  of  the  impor- 
tant points  of  his  story  :  and  the  result  of  the  ex- 
periment is,  that  all  the  facts,  to  which  the  test  will 
reach,  are,  in  substance,  confirmed, — that  none  are 
disproved.  Again,  we  are  enabled  by  the  same  op- 
portunity to  try  his  consistency  with  himself  at  .dif- 
ferent periods :  and  we  find  him,  after  an  interval  of 
more  than  two  years,  adhering  in  every  material 
point  to  the  story  which  he  told  on  arriving  from  the 
Desert. 

But  a  difficulty  arises  in  the  course  of  his  Narra- 
tive :  he  states  a  fact  which  his  hearers  did  not  ex- 
pect, and  respecting  which  they  had  previously  re- 
ceived evidence  of  a  contrary  tendency.  Neverthe- 
less this  unexpected  fact  contains  nothing  marvellous 
id  itself,  nothing  even  extraordinary  ;  nothing  which 
can  be  conceived  to  afford  the  slightest  temptation  to 
such  an  individual  to  invent  it :  but  it  occurs  simply, 
and  in  some  measure  even  indirectly,  in  the  chain  of 
his  evidence. 

If  this  is  admitted  to  be  a  fair  statement  of  the  cir- 
cumstances under  which  Adams  informs  us  that 
Tombuctoo  is  a  Negro  state :  and  if  there  is  nothing 
suspicious  in  the  internal  character  of  this  part  of  his 
evidence,  we  are  not  at  liberty  lightly  to  disbelieve 


148  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

it,  because  we  think  it  improbable,  "or  because  it 
happens  to  want  those  collateral  proofs  by  which 
other  parts  of  his  story  have  accidentally  been  con- 
firmed :  but,  a  manifest  preponderance  of  unexcep- 
tionable evidence  to  the  contrary  can  alone  justify 
us  in  rejecting  it. 

For  this  evidence  we  must  again  have  recourse  to 
Park's  first  Travels  (for  the  Journal  of  his  Second 
Mission  contains  only  one  incidental  notice  on  the 
subject)  and  we  shall  therein  find  a  general  descrip- 
tion of  Tombuctoo  as  a  Moorish  state,  which  he  pre- 
faces in  these  words  (p.  213.) 

"  Having  thus  brought  my  mind,  after  much  doubt 
"  and  perplexity,  to  a  determination  to  return  west- 
"  ward,  I  thought  it  incumbent  on  me,  before  I  left 
"  Silla^  to  collect  from  the  Moorish  and  Negro  tra- 
"  ders,  all  the  information  I  could,  concerning  the 
"  further  course  of  the  Niger  eastward,  and  the  situ- 
ation and  extent  of  the  kingdoms  in  its  vicinage;" 
— and  the  following  account  of  Tombuctoo  is  part 
of  the  information  which  he  says  he  thus  collected 
at  Silla  (p.  215.) 

"  To  the  northeast  of  Masina  is  situated  the  king- 
"  dom  of  Tombuctoo,  the  great  object  of  European 
"  research ;  the  capital  of  this  kingdom  being  one 
"  of  the  principal  marts  for  that  extensive  commerce 
"  which  the  Moors  carry  on  with  the  Negroes. 
"The  hopes  of  acquiring  wealth  in  this  pursuit,  and 
"  zeal  for  propagating  their  religion,  have  filled  this 
"  extensive  city  with  Moors  and  Mahomedan  con- 
"  verts ;  and  they  are  said  to  be  more  severe  and 
"  intolerant  in  their  principles  than  any  other  of  the 
"  Moorish  tribes  in  this  part  of  Africa.  I  was  in- 
"  formed  by  a  venerable  old  Negro,  that  when  he 
"  first  visited  Tombuctoo,  he  took  up  his  lodging  at  a 
"  sort  of  publick  inn,  the  landlord  of  which,  when  he 
ss  conducted  him  into  his  hut,  spread  a  mat  upon  the 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  119 

"  floor,  and  laid  a  rope  upon  it,  saying,  ;  if  you  are  a 
"  'Mussulman  you  are  my  friend, — sit  down;  but  if 
" '  you  are  a  Kafir  you  are  my  slave ;  and  with  this 
u «  rope  I  will  lead  you  to  market.'  The  present 
"King  of  Tombuctoo  is  named  Abu  Abrahima  ;  he 
"  is  reported  to  possess  immense  riches.  His  wives 
"and  concubines  are  said  to  be  clothed  in  silk,  and 
"  the  chief  officers  of  state  live  in  considerable  splen- 
"  dour.  The  whole  expense  of  his  government  is 
"  defrayed,  as  I  was  told,  by  a  tax  upon  merchan- 
"  dise,  which  is  collected  at  the  gates  of  the  city." 

To  this  account  Major  Rennell  adds  (doubtless 
on  the  verbal  authority  of  Park,)  that  the  greatest 
proportion  of  the  inhabitants  were,  nevertheless,  Ne- 
groes.    (Appendix,  p.  xc.) 

We  are  now  to  examine  under  what  circumstances 
the  information  contained  in  this  description  was 
procured.  Of  his  arrival  and  residence  at  Silla, 
Park  gives  us  very  minute  details.  His  journey 
thither  from  Sego  had  been  hurried,  and  his  situa- 
tion extremely  distressing  during  its  whole  course  : 
until,  on  the  29th  July,  at  four  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, he  arrived  at  Moorzan,  a  fishing  town  on  the 
northern  bank  of  the  Niger,  "  from  whence,"  he  says, 
"  I  was  conveyed  across  the  river  to  Silla,  a  large 
"  town,  where  I  remained  until  it  was  quite  dark 
"  under  a  tree  surrounded  by  hundreds  of  people. 
"  Their  language  was  very  different  from  [that  of] 
"  the  other  parts  of  Bambarra.  With  a  great  deal 
"  of  entreaty  the  Dooty  allowed  me  to  come  into  his 
"  balloon  to  avoid  the  rain ;  but  the  place  was  very 
"  damp,  and  I  had  a  smart  paroxysm  of  fever  during 
"  the  night.  Worn  down  by  sickness  and  exhausted 
"  with  hunger  and  fatigue,  I  was  convinced,  by  pain- 
"  ful  experience,  that  the  obstacles  to  my  further 
H  progress  were  insurmountable."  Happily  for  him- 
self, and  for  that  science  whose  limits  his  return  was 


150  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

so  widely  to  extend, — this  determination  was  no 
sooner  adopted  than  executed ;  and  at  eight  o'clock 
the  next  morning  he  stepped  into  a  canoe,  and  com- 
menced his  painful  return  to  the  westward ;  having 
only  spent  at  Siila  one  wretched  night  in  sickness 
and  despondency. 

It  is  impossible  for  any  of  our  readers  to  view  the 
unquenchable  zeal  and  intrepidity  of  Park  with 
higher  admiration  than  we  do ;  and  merely  to  express 
our  belief  that  before  he  thus  resolved  to  return  he 
"  had  made,"  as  he  states,  "  every  effort  to  proceed 
"  which  prudence  could  justify,"  would  be  to  render, 
in  our  opinion,  very  imperfect  justice  to  his  unparal- 
leled ardour  of  enterprise  and  enduring  preseverance. 
Joining  to  these  higher  qualifications,  admirable  pru- 
dence in  his  intercourse  with  the  natives,  and  a  tem- 
per not  to  be  ruffled  by  the  most  trying  provocations, 
he  exhibited  on  his  first  journey  an  union  of  qualities 
often  thought  incompatible  ;  an  union  which  in  our 
days  we  fear  we  cannot  expect  to  see  again,  direct- 
ed to  the  same  pursuits.  We  will  further  add,  that 
to  our  feelings  scarcely  an  individual  of  the  age  can 
be  named,  who  has  sunk  under  circumstances  of 
deeper  interest  than  this  lamented  traveller:  wheth- 
er we  consider  the  loss  which  geographical  science 
has  suffered  in  his  death,  or  whether  we  confine  our 
views  to  the  blasted  hopes  of  the  individual,  snatch- 
ed away  from  his  hard-earned,  but  unfinished, 
triumph ;  and  leaving  to  others  that  splendid  con- 
summation which  he  so  ardently  sought  to  achieve. 
True  it  is,  that  the  future  discoverer  of  the  termina- 
tion of  the  Niger  must  erect  the  structure  of  his 
fame  on  the  wide  foundation  with  which  his  great 
predecessor  has  already  occupied  the  ground  :  but 
though  the  edifice  will  owe  its  very  existence  to  the 
labours  of  Park,  yet  another  name  than  his  will  be 
recorded  on  the  finished  pile  : 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  151 

*;*  Hos  ego — feci,  tulit  alter  honores." 

Feeling,  as  we  do,  this  unaffected  interest  in  the 
fate  and  fame  of  Park,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  pre- 
face our  further  remarks  with  the  declaration,  that 
there  is  not  a  tittle  of  the  evidence  given  upon  the 
authority  of  his  own  observation,  which  we  should 
not  feel  it  a  species  of  sacrilege  to  dispute.  But 
the  case  is  different  with  respect  to  those  details 
which  he  gives  on  hearsay  evidence  only, — which 
we  may  fairly,  and  which  we  ought,  to  try  by  the 
circumstances  by  which  Park  himself  enables  us  to 
estimate  their  pretensions  to  accuracy. 

Availing  ourselves  of  this  undeniable,  and  as  we 
hope,  not  invidious,  privilege,  we  shall  find  that  a 
situation  can  hardly  be  imagined  less  favourable  to 
the  acquisition  of  authentick  information,  than  that 
which  Park  describes  during  the  single  melancholy 
night  which  he  passed  at  Silla.  He  had  before  told  us 
(p.  181,)  that  he  was  not  well  acquainted  with  the 
Foulah  language  spoken  in  Bambarra ;  and  he  in- 
forms us  that  he  found  the  language  of  Silla  "  very 
"  different"  even  from  that  of  the  more  western 
parts  of  the  kingdom :  but  the  extent  of  his  diffi- 
culty in  that  respect  may  be  gathered  from  what 
he  relates  of  his  arrival  even  at  Sansanding,  where 
he  found  the  people  "  speaking  a  variety  of  different 
•;  dialects,  all  equally  unintelligible"  to  him,  and 
where  he  was  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  the  in- 
terpretation of  his  Sego  guide ;  who,  however,  did 
not  accompany  him  in  his  further  progress  to  Silla. 

Obtaining  therefore,  his  information  from  Negroes 
at  more  than  two  hundred  miles  distance  from  Tom- 
buctoo,  and  probably  through  the  medium  of  Ne- 
gro interpreters,  we  cannot  be  surprised  either  that 
it  should  not  be  accurate  in  itself,  or  that,  such  as 
it  was,  it  should  not  be  very  accurately  understood. 


152  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

We  believe  there  is  no  person,  who  can  speak  from 
his  own  experience  on  the  subject,  who  will  not 
bear  testimony  to  the  extreme  uncertainty,  not  to 
say  general  inaccuracy,  of  the  information  to  be  ob- 
tained from  the  natives  of  Africa,  whether  Moham- 
medans or  Pagans.  Jealousy  and  suspicion  of  the 
objects  of  such  inquiries  on  the  one  hand,  and  un- 
observing  ignorance  on  the  other,  render  both  Ne- 
gro and  Moor  alike  unwilling,  or  unable,  to  disclose 
the  secrets  of  the  interiour  to  any  European.  The 
whole  of  Park's  communications  leave  not  the  small- 
est doubt  respecting  the  temper  of  the  trading 
Moors  towards  him.  He  also  remarks,  page  214, 
how  little  information  is  to  be  expected  from  a  Ne- 
gro trader  of  the  countries  through  which  he  pass- 
es in  search  of  gain, — of  which  he  affords  us  the 
following  striking  instance  in  the  commencement  of 
his  Journey.  "  I  was  referred,"  he  says,  p.  8,  "  to 
"  certain  traders  called  Slatees.  These  were  free 
"  black  merchants  of  great  consideration  in  those 
"  parts  of  Africa,  who  come  down  from  the  interi- 
"  our  countries.  But  I  soon  discovered  that  very 
"  little  dependence  could  be  placed  on  the  accounts 
u  which  they  gave :  for  they  contradicted  each  other  in 
"the  most  important  particulars."  To  what  degree 
the  natives  of  Silla  would  have  contradicted  each 
other  in  their  accounts  of  Tombuctoo,  Park's  short 
stay  there  could  not  have  allowed  him  time  to  ascer- 
tain ;  even  if  his  knowledge  of  their  language  had 
enabled  him  to  understand  their  accounts  as  well  as 
he  did  those  of  the  Slatees  on  the  Gambia. 

This  appears  to  be  the  state  of  the  evidence 
which  places  the  government  of  Tombuctoo  in  the 
hands  of  the  Moors :  and  it  really  does  appear 
to  us,  that  it  is  at  least  neutralized  by  other  evi- 
dence which  may  fairly  be  opposed  to  it ;  we  mean, 
the  uniform  testimony  of  the  natives  of  Barbary, 
who  have  traded  to  Tombuctoo.     The  reader  will 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  153 

not  have  forgotten  that  all  the  accounts  which 
Mr.  Dupuis  collected  from  such  individuals,  some  of 
them  men  of  high  authority  and  credit  amongst  their 
countrymen,  spoke  of  Tombuctoo  as  being  now  in 
all  respects  a  Negro  state.  The  hearsay  evidence 
of  Mr.  Jackson  goes  decidedly  to  the  same  point ; 
and  although  that  gentleman  may  have  given  an  in- 
judicious importance  to  such  testimony  in  his  book, 
it  ought  not  on  that  account  alone  to  be  entirely  dis- 
regarded. The  fact  then  being  undeniable,  that  the 
most  creditable  of  the  Barbary  traders  who  cross 
the  Desert  do  not  assign  the  dominion  of  Tombuc- 
too to  the  Moors  ;  and  their  testimony  being  ap- 
parently free  from  suspicion,  because,  in  opposition 
to  that  which  would  most  gratify  their  vanity,  we  can- 
not but  think  that  it  is  at  least  as  likely  to  be  accu- 
rate as  the  reports  of  the  Negroes  whom  Park  con- 
sulted at  Silla ;  taking,  as  we  ought,  into  account, 
the  disadvantages  both  of  language  and  situation 
under  which  he  consulted  them,  and  not  forgettingthe 
reserve  with  which  he  himself  teaches  us  to  receive 
their  testimony .# 

Having,  as  we  trust,  said  sufficient  to  satisfy  the 
reader,  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  character  of 
Adams's  general  evidence  which  can  warrant  the 
arbitrary  rejection  of  his  authority  on  points  which 
are  merely  improbable;  and  having  shewn  that  the  evi- 
dencof  otherson  the  particular  pointatissue,  is  at  least 

*  Several  instances  of  the  contradictory  testimony  of  the  Negroes 
occur  in  Park's  Travels.  Jinnie,  for  instance,  is  stated  in  his  first 
Mission  to  be  situated  on  the  Niger;  but  on  his  second  Journey  he 
renounces  that  opinion  on  the  apparently  good  authority  of  an  old  So- 
monie  (canoe-man)  "  who  had  been  seven  times  at  Tombuctoo."  This 
informant  places  it  on  the  Ba  Nimma  in  the  sketch  which  is  copied 
into  Park's  Journal ;  and  the  latter  accordingly  says,  p.  166,  "  we 
*'  shall  not  see  Jinnie  in  going  to  Tombuctoo.'*  But  Amadi  Fatouma 
confirms  the  first  account  which  Park  received,  and  says,  in  describing 
their  voyage  down  the  Niger  from  Silla,  "  we  went  in  two  days  to 
Jinnie.'* 

20 


154  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

of  doubtful  preponderance,  we  will  just  say  one  word 
on  the  probability  that  the  story  of  the  "  old  Negro," 
at  Silla,  may  be  strictly  true,  with  reference  to  the 
early  period  of  which  he  may  be  supposed  to  speak, 
and  yet  that  Adams's  account  may  be  equally  true, 
of  a  very  different  state  of  things  now. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  vernacular  histories, 
both  traditionary  and  written,  of  the  wars  of  the 
Moorish  empire,  agree  in  stating,  that  from  the  mid- 
dle of  the  seventeenth  century,  Tombuctoo  was 
occupied  by  the  troops  of  the  Ernperours  of  Mo- 
rocco; in  whose  name  a  considerable  annual  tribute 
was  levied  upon  the  inhabitants:  but  that  the  Ne- 
groes, in  the  early  part  of  the  last  century,  taking 
advantage  of  one  of  those  periods  of  civil  dissen- 
sion and  bloodshed  which  generally  follow  the  de- 
mise of  any  of  the  Rulers  of  Barbary,  did  at  length 
shake  off  the  yoke  of  their  northern  masters, — to 
which  the  latter  were  never  afterwards  able  again  to 
reduce  them.  Nevertheless,  although  the  Ernpe- 
rours of  Morocco  (whose  power  even  to  the  north 
of  the  Desert  has  been  long  on  the  decline)  might 
be  unable,  at  the  immense  distance  which  separates 
them  from  Soudan,  to  resume  an  authority  which 
had  once  escaped  from  their  hands;  it  is  reasonable 
to  suppose,  that  the  nearer  tribes  of  Arabs  would 
not  neglect  the  opportunity  thus  afforded  to  them, 
of  returning  to  their  old  habits  of  spoliation,  and  of 
exercising  their  arrogated  superiority  over  their 
Negro  neighbours  ;#  and  that  this  frontier  state 
would  thus  become  the  theatre  of  continual  contests 
terminating  alternately  in  the  temporary  occupation, 

*  Mr.  Jackson  was  informed,  (See  his  "  Account  of  Morocco,"  4to, 
p.  250)  that  previous  to  the  Moorish  occupation  of  Timbuctoo  (no- 
ticed in  the  text)  the  inhabitants  had  been  subject  to  continual  depre- 
dations from  the  Arabs  of  the  adjacent  countries. 


CONCLUDING   REMARKS.  155 

of  Tombuctoo  by  the   Arabs,  and  in  their  reexpul- 
sion  by  the  Negroes.* 

We  have  seen  this  state  of  things  existing  in  Lu- 
damar  to  the  west  of  Tombuctoo,  where  a  Negro 
population  is  subjected  to  the  tyranny  of  the  Arab 
chieftain  Mi;  between  whom  and  his  southern  neigh- 
bours of  Bambarra  and  Kaarta  we  find  a  continual 
struggle  of  aggression  and  self-defence  :  and  the  well 
known  character  of  the  Arabs  would  lead  us  to 
expect  a  similar  state  of  things  along  the  whole 
frontier  of  the  Negro  population.  In  the  pauses  of 
such  a  warfare  we  should  expect  to  find  no  inter- 
mission of  the  animosity  or  precautions  of  the  an- 
tagonist parties.  The  Arab,  victorious,  would  be 
ferocious  and  intolerant  even  beyond  his  usual  vio- 
lence ;  and  the  Koran  or  the  halter,  as  described  by 
the  old  Negro  of  Silla,  would  probably  be  the  al- 
ternatives which  he  would  offer  to  his  Negro  guest : 
whilst  the  milder  nature  of  the  Negro  would  be 
content  with  such  measures  of  precaution  and  self- 
defence  as  might  appear  sufficient  to  secure  him 
from  the  return  of  the  enemy  whom  he  had  expel- 
led,— without  excluding  the  peaceful  trader;  and 
under  the  reestablished  power  of  the  latter,  we 
might  expect  to  find  at  Tombuctoo,  precisely  the 
same  state  of  things  as  Adams  describes  to  have  ex- 
isted in  181  l.t 

*  To  elucidate  the  state  of  things  which  we  have  here  supposed, 
we  need  not  go  further  than  to  the  history  of  Europe  in  our  own  days. 
How  often,  during  the  successful  ravages  of  the  great  Arab  chieftain 
of  Christendom,  might  we  not  have  drawn  from  the  experience  of 
Madrid,  or  Berlin,  or  Vienna,  or  Moscow,  the  aptest  illustration  of 
these  conjectures  respecting  Tombuctoo?  And  an  African  traveller 
(if  so  improbable  a  personage  may  be  imagined)  who  should  have  vis- 
ited Europe  in  these  conjunctures,  might  very  naturally  have  reported 
to  his  countrymen  at  home,  that  Russia,  Germany,  and  Spain  were  but 
provinces  of  France  ;  and  that  the  common  sovereign  of  all  these  coun- 
tries resided  sometimes  in  the  Escurial  and  sometimes  in  the  Kremlin  ! 

f  In  the  second  volume  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  African  Associa- 
tion, it  is  stated  on  the  authority  of  VHagi  Mohammed  Sheriffe,  that 


156  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

The  reserve  with  which  we  have  seen  grounds  for 
receiving  the  testimony  of  the  natives  of  Africa,  may 
reasonably  accompany  us  in  our  further  comparative 
examination  of  their  accounts,  and  those  of  Adams, 
respecting  the  population  and  external  appearance  of 
the  city  of  Tombuctoo.  Notwithstanding,  therefore, 
the  alleged  splendour  of  its  court,  polish  of  its  in- 
habitants, and  other  symptoms  of  refinement  which 
some  modern  accounts  (or  speculations,)  founded  on 
native  reports,  have  taught  us  to  look  for,  we  are 
disposed  to  receive  the  humbler  descriptions  of 
Adams  as  approaching  with  much  greater  probabiln 
ty  to  the  truth.  Let  us  not,  however  be  understood, 
as  rating  too  highly  the  value  of  a  Sailor's  reports. 
They  must  of  necessity  be  defective  in  a  variety  of 
ways.  Many  of  the  subjects  upon  which  Adams  was 
questioned  are  evidently  beyond  the  competency  of 
such  an  individual  fully  to  comprehend  or  satisfactorily 
to  describe ;  and  we  must  be  content  to  reserve  our 
final  estimates  of  the  morals,  religion,  civil  polity, 
and  learning  (if  they  now  have  any)  of  the  Negroes 
of  Tombuctoo,  until  we  obtain  more  conclusive  in- 
formation than  we  can  possibly  derive  from  our  pre- 
sent informant.  Sufficient,  however,  may  be  gather- 
ed from  his  story,  to  prepare  us  for  a  disappoint- 
ment of  many  of  the  extravagant  expectations  which 
have  been  indulged  respecting  this  boasted  city. 

And  here,  we  may  remark,  that  the  relative  rank 
of  Tombuctoo  amongst  the  cities  of  central  Africa, 
and  its  present  importance  with  reference  to  Euro- 
pean objects,  appear  to  us  to  be  considerably  overrate 
ed.     The  descriptions  of  Leo  in  the  sixteenth  century, 

the  King  of  Bambarra,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  array  actually  did 
take  the  government  of  Tombuctoo  out  of  the  hands  of  "  the  Moors,'* 
in  the  year  1800.  There  is,  however,  a  disagreement  between  this 
Sheriflfe  and  Park,  respecting  the  name  of  the  said  King  of  Bambarra, 
whom  the  former  calls  Woollo.  See  Note  8,  p.  90,  respecting  Woolla 
and  Mansonjr. 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  157 

may  indeed  lend  a  colour  to  the  brilliant  anticipa- 
tions in  which  some  sanguine  minds  have  indulged 
on  the  same  subjects  in  the  nineteenth ;  but  with  re- 
ference to  the  commercial  pursuits  of  Europeans,  it 
seems  to  have  been  forgotten,  that  the  very  circum- 
stance which  has  been  the  foundation  of  the  impor- 
tance of  Tombuctoo  to  the  traders  of  Bai  bary,  and, 
consequently,  of  much  of  its  fame  amongst  us, — its 
frontier  situation  on  the  verge  of  the  Desert,  at  the 
extreme  northern  limits  of  the  Negro  population, — 
will  of  necessity  have  a  contrary  operation  now; 
since  a  shorter  and  securer  channel  for  European  en- 
terprise into  the  central  regions  of  Africa,  has  been 
opened  by  the  intrepidity  and  perseverance  of  Park, 
from  the  southwestern  shores  of  the  Atlantick. 

Independently  of  this  consideration,  there  is  great 
reason  to  believe,  that  Tombuctoo  has  in  reality  de- 
clined of  late,  from  the  wealth  and  consequence 
which  it  appears  formerly  to  have  enjoyed.  The  ex- 
istence of  such  a  state  of  things  as  we  have  described 
in  the  preceding  pages,  the  oppressions  of  the  Moors, 
the  resistance  of  the  Negroes,  the  frequent  change 
of  masters,  and  the  insecurity  of  property  consequent 
upon  these  intestine  struggles,  would  all  lead  di- 
rectly and  inevitably  to  this  result.  That  they  have 
led  to  it,  may  be  collected  from  other  sources  than 
Adams.  Even  Park,  to  whom  so  brilliant  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  city  was  given  by  some  of  his  informants, 
was  told  by  others,  that  it  was  surpassed  in  opu- 
lence and  size,  by  Haoussa  Walet,  and  probably  by 
Jinnie.  Several  instances  also  occur  in  both  his  Mis- 
sions, which  prove  that  a  considerable  trade  from 
Barbary  is  carried  on  direct  from  the  Desert,  to  Sego 
and  the  neighbouring  countries,  without  ever  touch- 
ing at  Tombuctoo ;  and  this  most  powerful  of  (he 
states  of  Africa  in  the  sixteenth  century,  according 
to  Leo,  is  now,  in  the  nineteenth,  to  all  appearance. 


15$  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

a  mere  tributary  dependency  of  a  kingdom,  which 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  known  to  Leo,  even  by 
name. 

Such  a  decline  of  the  power  and  commercial  im- 
portance of  Tombuctoo,  would  naturally  be  accom- 
panied by  a  corresponding  decay  of  the  city  itself; 
and  we  cannot  suppose  that  Adams's  description  of 
its  external  appearance  will  be  rejected  on  account 
of  its  improbability,  by  those  who  recollect  that  Leo 
describes  the  habitations  of  the  natives  in  his  time, 
almost  in  the  very  words  of  the  Narrative  now  ;# 

*  One  of  the  numerous  discordances  between  the  different  transla- 
tions of  Leo  occurs  in  the  passage  here  alluded  to.  The  meaning  of 
the  Italian  version  is  simply  this, — that  *»  the  dwellings  of  the  people 
*' of  Tombuctoo  are  cabins  or  huts  constructed  with  stakes  covered 
"  with  chalk  (or  clay)  and  thatched  with  straw." — "  le  cui  case  sono 
"capanne  fatte  di  pali  coperte  di  creta  coi  cortivi  di  paglia."  But 
the  expression  in  the  Latin  translation,  (which  is  closely  followed  by 
the  old  English  translator,  Pory,)  implies  a  state  of  previous  splendour 
and  decay, — "cujus  doraus  omnes  in  tuguriola  cretacea,  stramineis 
"tectis,  sunt  mutatce." 

As  we  shall  have  occasion  hereafter  to  point  out  another  disagree- 
ment between  the  different  versions  of  Leo,  it  may  be  expedient  to  in- 
form some  of  our  readers,  that  the  Italian  translation  here  quoted,  is 
described  to  have  been  made  by  Leo  himself,  from  the  original  Arabick 
in  which  he  composed  his  work ;  and  he  appears,  by  the  following 
extract  from  the  Preface  of  his  Italian  Editor,  to  have  learnt  that 
language,  late  in  life,  for  this  especial  purpose.  See  the  first  volume 
of  Ramusio's  Raccolto  delle  Navigatione  e  Viaggi.     Venetia,  1588. 

"  Cosi  habito  poi  in  Roma  il  rimanente  della  vita  sua,  dove  imparl 
"  la  lingua  Italiana  e  leggere  e  scrivere,  e  tradusse  questo  suo  libro 
*'  meglio  eh'  egli  seppe  di  Arabo :  il  qual  libro  scritto  da  lui  medesimo, 
M  dopo  rnolti  accidente  pervenne  nelle  nostre  mani ;  e  noi  con  quella 
"  maggior  diligenza  che  habbiamo  potuto,  ci  siamo  ingegnati  con  ogni 
44  fedelta  di  farlo  venir  in  luce  nel  modo  cbe  hora  si  legge." — "  Thus 
'*  he  dwelt  in  Rome  the  remainder  of  his  life,  where  he  learnt  to  read 
"  and  write  the  Italian  language,  and  translated  his  Book  from  the 
44  Arabick  in  the  best  manner  that  he  was  able,"  &c.  &c.  Suppos- 
ing the  Latin  version  to  be  a  translation  direct  from  the  Arabick, 
that  circumstance,  and  the  preceding  explanation,  may  afford  a 
clue  to  the  discordances  to  which  we  have  alluded ;  but  a  reference 
to  the  Arabick  original  (which  we  believe  is  not  to  be  found  in  any  of 
our  publick  libraries)  could  alone  enable  us  to  ascertain,  whether  the 
fault  lay  solely  in  the  Latin  translator's  ignorance  of  Arabick,  or  in 
Leo's  probable  imperfect  acquaintance  with  the  Italian.  We  will  only 
add,  that  in  the  passages  which  we  have  compared,  the  Italian  and 
French,  and  the  Latin  and  English  translations,  respectively  agree  with 
each  other. 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  159 

and  that  the  flourishing  cities  of  Sego  and  Sansand- 
ing  appear,  from  Park's  accounts,  to  be  built  of  mud, 
precisely  in  the  same  manner  as  Adams  describes  the 
houses  of  Tombuctoo. 

But  whatever  may  be  the  degree  of  Adams's  coin- 
cidence with  other  authorities,  in  his  descriptions  of 
the  population  and  local  circumstances  of  Tombuc- 
too, there  is  at  least  one  asserted  fact  in  this  part  of 
his  Narrative,  which  appears  to  be  peculiarly  his 
own  ;  the  existence,  we  mean,  of  a  considerable  navi- 
gable river  close  to  the  city.  To  the  truth  of  this  fact 
Adams's  credit  is  completely  pledged.  On  many 
other  subjects,  it  is  possible  that  his  Narrative  might 
be  considerably  at  variance  with  the  truth,  by  a 
mere  defect  of  memory  or  observation,  and  without 
justifying  any  imputations  on  his  veracity;  but  it  is 
evident  that  no  such  latitude  can  be  allowed  to  him  on 
the  present  occasion  ;  and  that  his  statement  respect- 
ing the  La  Mar  Zarah,  if  not  in  substance  true,  must 
be  knowingly  and  wilfully  false. 

Those  of  our  readers  who  have  attended  to  the 
progress  of  African  discovery,  will  recollect  that 
Tombuctoo,  although  it  is  placed,  by  the  concurring 
testimony  of  several  authorities,  in  the  immediate  vi- 
cinity of  the  Niger,  is  nevertheless  represented  to 
lie  at  a  certain  distance  from  the  river,  not  greater 
than  a  day's  journey  according  to  the  highest  state- 
ment, nor  less  according  to  the  lowest,  than  twelve 
miles.  To  these  statements,  which  may  be  presum- 
ed to  approach  very  nearly  to  the  truth,  may  be  ad- 
ded, on  pretty  much  the  same  authorities,  that  the 
town  of  Kabra  on  the  Niger  is  the  shipping  port  of 
Tombuctoo,  lying  at  the  aforesaid  distance  of  twelve 
miles,  or  of  a  day's  journey,  from  the  city.  And 
neither  Park,  nor  any  other  written  authority  (in- 
cluding the  English  translation  of  Leo,  of  which  we 
shall  say  more  hereafter)  make  any  express  mention 


160  CONCLUDING    REMARKS, 

of  a  communication  by  water  with  the  city  of  Tom- 
buctoo  itself. 

Adams,  however,  as  has  been  already  observed, 
cannot  have  been  mistaken  in  so  important  a  tact  as 
that  which  he  has  here  stated.  He  never  discover- 
ed the  least  hesitation  in  his  repeated  assertions  of 
the  proximity  of  the  river  to  the  town,  or  of  his  subse- 
quent journey,  for  ten  days,  along  its  banks  ;  and 
we  cannot  entertain  the  smallest  doubt  that  the 
river  exists  precisely  as  he  has  described  it.  We 
shall  presently  shew  to  what  extent  the  probability 
of  this  fact  is  countenanced  by  other  considerations: 
and  in  the  mean  time,  the  two  following  alternatives 
present  themselves,  respecting  the  probable  course 
of  the  river  beyond  the  southwestern  point  to  which 
Adams's  observation  of  it  extended ; — either,  that  it 
turns  immediately,  at  a  considerable  angle,  to  the 
southward,  and  falls  into  the  Niger  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Kabra  ; — or,  that  continuing  its  south- 
westerly course  from  Tombuctoo,  it  empties  itself 
into  the  lake  Dibble^  possibly  at  the  northern  inlet 
which  Park's  informants  described  to  him  as  one 
of  the  two  channels*  by  which  that  lake  discharges 
the  waters  of  the  Joliba.  Neither  of  these  suppo- 
sitions are  inconsistent  with  the  existence,  or  the 
importance  to  Tombuctoo,  of  the  port  of  Kabra : 
for  if,  on  the  one  hand,  the  communication  of 
Adams's  river  with  the  Niger  lies  through  the  lake 
Dibbie,  it  will  be  seen  by  a  glance  at  the  Map,  what 
a  circuitous  water  conveyance  would  be  cut  off  by 

*  The  fact  of  a  large  lake  like  the  Dibbie  discharging  its  waters  by 
two  streams  flowing  from  the  distant  parts  of  the  lake,  and  re-uniting 
after  a  separate  course  of  a  hundred  miles  in  length,  has  always  ap- 
peared to  us  extremely  apocryphal :  at  least  we  believe,  that  the  geo- 
graphy of  the  world  does  not  afford  a  parallel  case.  The  separation  of 
rivers  into  various  branches,  in  alluvial  tracts  on  the  sea  coast,  is 
a  well  known  geological  fact;  but  the  case  is  essentially  different  with 
reference  to  a  lake  at  so  great  a  distance  inland. 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  161 

transporting  from  Tombuctoo  across  to  Kabra,  and 
shipping  there  such  merchandise  as  should  be  des- 
tined for  the  eastward ;  and  even  if  Kabra  should  be 
situated  at  the  confluence  of  the  La  Mar  Zara  and 
the  Niger,  its  importance  as  the  rendezvous,  or 
point  of  contact  with  Tombuctoo,  for  all  the  ca- 
noes coming  either  up  or  down  the  stream, — from 
the  west  or  from  the  east, — needs  no  explanation. 

We  will  now  endeavour  to  show  what  degree  of 
countenance  or  corroboration  other  authorities  afford 
to  the  general  fact,  that  there  is  a  water  communica- 
tion between  the  Niger,  at  some  point  of  its  course, 
and  the  city  of  Tombuctoo. 

In  the  first  place,  notwithstanding  the  distinct  no- 
tice of  Kabra,  both  by  Leo  and  Park,  as  the  great 
resort  of  the  trade  of  the  Niger,  and  as  the  port  of 
Tombuctoo,  both  these  writers,  especially  Park  in 
his  last  journey,  speak  indirectly  on  several  occa- 
sions of  sailing  to  and  from  Tombuctoo,  in  such  a 
manner  as  fairly  to  imply  that  they  or  their  infor- 
mants meant,  not  the  distant  port  of  Kabra,  but 
the  city  of  Tombuctoo  itself.  The  Barbary  tra- 
ders, also,  whose  reports  are  quoted  by  Mr.  Dupuis, 
mention  a  river  (which  they,  however,  consider  to  be 
the  Niger)  as  running  close  past  the  city;  and  we 
are  inclined  to  pay  the  greater  attention  to  these  re- 
ports, because  we  have  always  considered  it  ex- 
tremely improbable,  that  the  greatest  trading  de- 
pot in  the  interiour  of  Africa  (and  such  undoubtedly 
has  been  the  city  of  Tombuctoo)  lying  so  near  to  all 
the  advantages  of  an  extensive  water  communica- 
tion like  the  Niger,  should  yet  have  no  point  of  im- 
mediate contact  with  the  river  itself,  or  with  any  of 
its  tributary  branches. 

But  there  is,  in  the  second  place,  strong  reason 
to  believe  that  Leo  Africanus,  the  only  writer  who 
professes  to  describe  Tombuctoo  from  personal  ob- 

2i 


162  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

servation,  will  really  be  found  to  have  noticed  sucn 
a  river  as  Adams  has  made  us  acquainted  with.  A 
comparison  of  the  original  Arabick  in  which  Leo 
wrote,  with  the  translations,  could  alone  enable  us  to 
speak  with  perfect  confidence  on  this  subject;  but 
we  trust  that  we  shall  be  able,  by  a  brief  examina- 
tion of  the  latter,  to  show  that  our  opinion  is  not  a 
gratuitous  speculation. 

There  are  two  passages  in  which  Leo  speaks  of 
the  relative  situations  of  Tombuctoo  and  the  Niger ; 
the  one  in  his  chapter  on  Tombuctoo,  and  the  other 
in  that  on  Kabra ;  and  our  opinion  of  his  meaning, 
on  a  joint  consideration  of  both  these  passages,  and 
of  the  ambiguity  or  contradiction  of  his  translators, 
is  this ;  that  Tombuctoo  is  situated  upon  a  branch  or 
arm  of  the  JYiger  twelve  miles  distant  from  the  princi- 
pal stream.  We  are  aware  that  this  construction  is 
not  warranted  by  the  English  translation,*  which 
(following  the  Latin)  states,  that "  it  is  situate  within 
"twelve  miles  of  a  certain  branch  of  Niger;''  but 
there  is  a  peculiarity  in  the  expression  of  the  Latin 
translation,  an  ambiguity  in  that  of  the  Italian  ver- 
sion, and  an  inconsistency  in  both,  between  the 
passage  in  question  and  the  context,  which  are 
open  to  much  observation.  The  Italian  translation 
(subject,  always,  to  the  explanation  given  in  the  Pre- 
facef )  must  be  considered  as  the  best  authority ; 
its  words  are  these  :  "  vicina  a  un  ramo  del  Niger 
"  circa  a  dodici  miglia ;"  the  ambiguity  of  which 
has  been  faithfully  preserved  by  the  French  trans- 
lator, who  with  a  total  disregard  of  idiom,  and  appa- 
rently little  solicitude  about  meaning,  thus  copies  it, 

*  "  A  Geographical  Historie  of  Africa,"  written  in  Arabicke  and 
"  Italian  by  John  Leo,  a  More.  Translated  and  collected  by  John  IV 
«'  ry,  lately  of  Gonville  and  Caius  College."     London,  1600. 

f  See  Note,  pp.  182-3. 


CONCLUDING    REMARKS.  163 

word  for  word  :#  "  prochain  d'un  bras  du  Niger  en- 
"  viron  douze  mile."  The  Latin  Editor,  however, 
takes  more  pains  to  explain  his  conception  of  the 
passage,  which  he  conveys  in  the  following  words : 
"  in  duodecimo  miliario  a  qiwdam  fluviolo  situm  fuit 
"  quod  e  Nigro  flumine  effluebat." 

Conjointly  with  this  passage,  thus  translated,  we 
must  take  into  our  consideration  the  other  passage 
in  the  chapter  on  Kabra,  to  which  we  before  allud- 
ed ;  wherein  Leo  states  (without  any  variation  be- 
tween his  translators)  that  Tombuctoo  is  distant 
twelve  miles  from  the  Niger. 

Now,  supposing,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the 
literal  meaning  of  the  translations  of  the  former 
passage  implies,  that  Tombuctoo  is  situated  twelve 
miles  from  a  smaller  river  communicating  with  the 
Niger ;  and  being  certain,  on  the  other,  that  the 
latter  passage  really  means  that  Tombuctoo  lies  ex- 
actly the  same  distance  from  the  Niger  itself;  ad- 
mitting, we  say,  that  there  may  be  two  distinct 
streams,  each  precisely  twelve  miles  distant  from 
the  city ;  is  it  probable  that  Leo,  wishing  to  desig- 
nate to  his  readers,  in  the  former  passage,  the  ex- 
act position  of  Tombuctoo,  by  its  distance  from 
some  given  point,  should  select  for  that  purpose, 
not  the  far  famed  Niger  itself,  but  an  equally  re- 
mote, a  smaller,  and  a  nameless  stream  ?  Surely  not. 
There  can  hardly  be  a  doubt,  that  it  is  to  the  Niger, 
and  to  the  same  point  of  the  Niger,  that  he  refers 
in  both  passages;  that  the  translators,  by  a  very 
trifling  mistake  in  the  Arabick  idiom,  or  by  a  want  of 
precision  in  their  own,  have  given  a  different  colour 
to  his  meaning;  and  that  the  smaller  stream,  the 
"  ramo  del  Niger,"  and  the  "  fluviolum,"  is  really 
the  La  Mar  Zarah  seen  by  Adams. 

*  Lyons  Ed.  folio,  1556. 


164  CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

We  have  been  led  into  a  more  detailed  examina- 
tion of  this  part  of  the  Narrative  than  we  had  at  first 
anticipated  ;  but  the  question  is  of  considerable  in- 
terest, not  merely  with  reference  to  the  verification  of 
Adams's  story,  but  as  containing  in  itself  a  probable 
solution  of  the  mistakes  and  doubts  by  which  the 
real  course  of  the  Niger  (from  west  to  east)  was 
for  so  many  ages  obscured.  If  the  La  Mar  Zarah 
really  communicates  with  the  Niger,  either  at  Kabra, 
or  through  the  Lake  Dibbie,  by  a  southwesterly 
course  from  Tombuctoo,  wre  have  at  once  a  probable 
explanation  of  the  origin  of  Leo's  mistake,  (so  ably 
exposed  and  corrected  by  Major  Rennell)  in  plac- 
ing Ginea  (Gana)  to  the  westward  of  Tombuctoo. 
That  Leo  was  never  on  the  Niger  itself  is  sufficient- 
ly evident,  for  he  states  it  to  flow  from  east  to  west ; 
but  knowing  that  the  traders  who  embarked  at  Tom- 
buctoo for  Ginea#  proceeded,  in  the  beginning  of  their 
course,  to  the  west  or  southwest  with  the  stream, 
(wjiich  would  be  the  case  on  Adams's  river)  he  was 
probably  thus  misled  into  a  belief  that  the  whole  of  the 
course,  as  well  as  the  general  sfer earn  of  the  Niger, 
lay  in  that  direction. 

We  shall  here  close  these  imperfect  remarks  ;  in 
which  we  have  endeavoured  to  bring  before  the 
reader  such  illustrations  as  are  to  be  collected  from 
collateral  sources,  of  the  most  original,  or  most  ob- 
jectionable, of  those  points  of  Adams's  stofyv  which  are 

*  Leo  says,  that  the  merchants  of  Tombuctoo  sailed  to.  Ginea  dur- 
ing the  inundations  of  the  Niger  in  the  months  of  July,  August,  and  Sep- 
tember; which  seems  to,  imply,  that  at  other  seasons  there  was  not  a 
continuous  passage  by  water.  He  also  says  In  another  place,  that  when 
the  Niger  rises,  the  waters  flow  through  certain  canals  to  the  ci,ty  (Tom- 
buctoo). As  these  passages  when  considered  together,  seeni  to  infer 
that  the  navigation  of  the  river  of  Tombuctoo  (the  La  Mar  Zqrah)  is 
bstructed  by  shallows  during  the  dry  season,  they  afford  grounds  for 
g  that  Adams,  when  he  saw  that  river  (which  was  in  the  dry 
y.  have  had  good  reasons  for  doubting  which  way  the  strain 


tOXCLUDING    REMARKS. 


16a 


unsupported  by  direct  external  evidence.  We  might 
have  greatly  multiplied  our  examples  of  the  indirect 
coincidences  between  Adams's  statements,  and  other 
authorities,  respecting  the  habits,  customs,  and  cir- 
cumstances of  the  inhabitants  of  central  Africa;  which 
would  have  added  to  the  other  incontestable  evidences 
of  the  genuineness  and  accuracy  of  his  relations.  But 
the  detail  will  have  been  already  anticipated  by  most 
of  Adams's  readers,  and  would,  we  hope,  be  super- 
fluous to  all.  We  shall  therefore  conclude,  by  no- 
ticing only  two  important  circumstances,  respective- 
ly propitious  and  adverse  to  the  progress  of  disco- 
very and  civilization,  which  the  present  Narrative  de- 
cidedly confirms;  viz.  the  mild  and  tractable  natures  of 
the  Pagan  JVegroes  of  Soudan,  and  their  friendly  de- 
portment towards  strangers,  on  the  one  hand, — and, 
on  the  other,  the  extended  and  baneful  range  of  that 
great  original  feature  of  African  society — Slavery. 


APPENDIX.     No.  I 


At  a  time  when  the  civilization  and  improvement  of 
Africa,  and  the  extension  of  our  intercourse  with  the 
natives  of  that  long  neglected  country,  seem  to  be 
among  the  leading  objects  of  the  British  government 
and  nation, — and  when,  with  these  views,  great  ex- 
ertions are  making  to  procure  information  respecting 
theinteriour  of  that  vast  and  unknown  continent;  the 
following  account  of  Tombuctoo,  and  the  trade  and 
navigation  of  the  Niger,  may  perhaps  prove  not  alto- 
gether uninteresting.  It  was  procured  on  a  journey 
to  Galam  in  about  the  year  1764,  for  a  gentleman 
who  was  then  Governour  of  Senegal,  by  a  person 
who  acted  as  his  Arabick  interpreter. 

#  c;  Apres  bien  des  difficultes,  j'ai  enfin  trouve  un 
hornme  qui  est  revenu  de  Tombuctoo  depuis  peu,  qui 

*  It  may  seem  superfluous  in  the  present  enlightened  age,  to  give  a 
translation  of  a  French  paper;  but  there  may  still  be  some  of  our  rea- 
ders to  whom  the  following,   if  not  necessary,  may  be  convenient. 

"  After  many  difficulties,  I  have  at  length  found  a  man  lately  return- 
ed from  Tombuctoo,  from  whom  I  have  obtained  better  information  of 
the  country  than  from  any  other  person.  I  have  spoken  to  several 
merchants,  who  have  reported  some  things  to  me,  but  I  confide  most  in 
this  last,  who  is  lately  returned,  who  has  assured  me  that  the  vessels 
which  navigate  in  the  river  of  Tombuctoo  do  not  come  from  the  sea ; 
that  they  are  vessels  constructed  at  Tombuctoo,  which  are  sewed  either 
with  cordage  or  with  the  bark  of  the  cocoa  tree,  he  does  not  exactly 
know  which ;  that  these  vessels  only  go  by  tracking  and  by  oars  (or 
paddles). 

M  He  says,  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Tombuctoo  are  Arabs, 
that  it  is  a  large  city,  and  that  the  houses  have  three  or  four  stories. 
He  says,  that  the  caravans  which  come  to  Tombuctoo,  come  from  the  side 
of  Medina,  and  bring  stuffs,  white  linens,  and  all  sorts  of  merchandise. 
That  these  caravans  are  composed  only  of  camels,  that  they  stop  at 


168  APPENDIX.       NO.    I. 

m'a  mieux  instruit  du  pays  que  personne.  J'ai  parle 
aplusieurs  marchands,  qui  m'en  ont  compte  quelque 
chose,  mais  je  m'en  rapporte  mieux  au  dernier,  qui 
en  vient  depuis  peu ;  qui  m'a  assure  que  les  batimens, 
qui  naviguent  dans  la  riviere  de  Tombuctoo,  ne 
viennent  point  de  la  grande  mer ;  que  ce  sont  des 
batimens  construits  a  Tombuctoo,  qui  sont  cousus  soit 
avec  du  cordage,  soit  avec  de  1'ecorce  de  coco,  il  ne  le 
sait  pas  au  juste;  que  ces  batimens  ne  vont  qu'au 
traite  et  a  l'aviron. 

"  II  dit  que  ce  sont  des  Arabes  qui  habitent  la 
ville  de  Tombuctoo,  que  c'est  une  grande  ville,  que 
les  maisons  ont  trois  ou  quatre  etages.  II  dit,  que 
les  caravanes  qui  viennent  a  Tombuctoo,  viennent 
du  cote  de  Medine,*  et  apportent  toutes  sortes  de 
marchandises,  des  etoffes,  et  des  toiles  blanches; 
que  ces  caravanes  ne  sont  composees  que  de  cha- 
meaux;  qu'elles  s'arretent  a  une  demi  lieue  de  Tom- 

the  distance  of  half  a  league  from  Tombuctoo,  and  that  the  people 
of  Tombuctoo  go  there  to  buy  the  goods,  and  take  them  into  the 
city  ;  afterwards  that  they  equip  their  vessels  to  send  them  to 
Gentle,  which  is  another  city  under  the  dominion  of  Tombuctoo,  and 
that  the  inhabitants  of  Tombuctoo  have  correspendents  there. 
The  people  of  Genne  in  their  turn  equip  their  vessels,  and  put  into 
them  the  merchandise  which  they  have  received  from  the  people  of 
Tombuctoo,  with  which  they  ascend  the  river.  It  is  to  be  remarked, 
that  the  separation  of  the  two  rivers  is  at  half  a  league  from  Genne,  and 
Genne  is  sitaated  between  the  two  rivers  like  an  island.  One  of  these 
rivers  runs  into  Bambarra  and  the  other  goes  to  Betoo,  which  is  a 
country  inhabited  by  a  people  of  a  reddish  colour,  who  are  always  at 
war  with  the  Bambarras.  When  they  go  out  to  war  against  the  Bam- 
barras,  they  are  always  five  months  absent.  After  the  barks  of  Genne 
hare  gone  a  great  distance  up  the  river,  they  arrive  at  the  fall  of  Soo- 
tasoo,  where  they  stop  and  can  proceed  no  further.  There  they  un- 
load their  salt  and  other  merchandise,  and  carry  them  upon  the  backs 
of  asses,  and  uponjheir  heads  to  the  other  side  of  the  fall,  were  they 
find  the  large  boats  of  the  Negroes,  which  they  freight  ;  and  ascend  the 
river  to  she  country  of  the  Mandingoes  who  are  called  Malins,  and  who 
are  near  to  the  rock  Gouvina. 

*  It  appears  from  Mr.  Ledyard's  and  Mr.  Lucas's  communications 
to  the  African  Association,  that  the  caravans  from  Mecca,  Medina,  and 
all  Egypt,  arrive  at  Tombuctoo,  by  the  same  rout  as  those  from  Me- 
surata,  going  round  by  Mourzouk.  Proceedings  of  the  African  Associa- 
tion, 4to.  1790,  pp.  33, 87. 


APPENDIX.       NO.    I.  169 

buctoo,  et  que  tie  la,  les  gens  de  Tombuctoo  vont 
acheter  les  marchandises,  et  les  apportent  dans  la 
ville ;  ensuite,  qu'ils  arment  leurs  batimens  pour  les 
envoyer  a  Genne,  qui  est  une  autre  ville  sous  la  do- 
mination de  Tombuctoo,  et  que  les  habitans  de 
Tombuctoo  y  ont  des  corresponclans.  Ceux  de  Gen- 
ne arment  a  leur  tour  leurs  batimens,  et  y  mettent 
les  marchandises  qu'ils  ont  re$us  des  batimens  de 
Tombuctoo,  et  font  monter  leurs  batimens  a  leur 
tour,  et  leur  font  monter  la  riviere.  II  est  a  remar- 
quer,  que  la  separation  des  deux  rivieres  est  a  une 
demi  lieue  de  Genne,  et  Genne  se  trouve  entre  les 
deux  rivieres,  comme  une  isle.  Une  de  ces  rivieres 
court  dans  la  Bambarra,  et  l'autre  va  a  Bctoo,  qui 
est  un  pays  habite  par  un  peuple  rougeatre,  qui  fait 
sans  cesse  la  guerre  aux  Bambarras.  Lorsqu'ils 
vont  a  la  guerre  contre  les  Bambarras,  ils  sont 
toujours  cinq  mois  dehors.  Apres  que  les  barques 
de  Genne  ont  monte  la  riviere  bien  avant,  ils  trou- 
vent  la  chute  de  Sootasoo  ;  ou  ils  s'arretent,  et  ne 
peuvent  plus  passer.  La  ils  dechargent  leur  sel  et 
leurs  marchandises,  et  les  portent  a  l'autre  cote  de 
la  chute  a  dos  d'  anes,  et  sur  leurs  tetes.  La  ils 
trouvent  les  grandes  pirogues  des  Negres,  qu'ils 
frakent,  et  content  la  riviere  avec  ces  pirogues 
jusqu'a  chez  les  JMarulings,  qui  s'appellent  Matins, 
,qui  sont  proche  du  roche  Gouvina." 

The  gentleman,  for  whom  these  particulars  were 
collected,  states,  that  he  has  always  had  the  greatest 
confidence  in  their  correctness  ;  not  only  on  account 
of  the  character  and  talents  .of  the  person  employ- 
ed, but  also  from  the  means  which  he  had,  during  a 
residence  of  three  or  four  years  at  Senegal,  to  verify 
all  the  most  material  points  in  them,  upon  the  in- 
formation of  others  ;  which  he  lost  no  opportunity  of 
obtaining.  In  his  account  of  the  position  of  Genne? 
the  junction  of  the  two  rivers  near  to  it,  the  course 

22 


170  APPENDIX.       NO.    I. 

of  one  of  these  rivers  from  Betoo  or  Badoo,  and  the 
course  of  the  Niger  itself  at  that  time  (17 64)  generally 
supposed  to  be  from  east  to  west ;  the  Arabick  inter- 
preter has  been  proved,  by  the  information  obtained 
through  Mr.  Park,  to  be  correct;  and  his  represen- 
tation of  the  trade  upon  the  Niger  is  accurately  con- 
firmed by  Mr.  Park,  in  hjs  conversation  with  the 
ambassadors  of  the  King  of  Bambarra;*  except 
that  he  carries  it  beyond  Mr.  Park's  report. 

If  the  interpreter's  report  be  correct,  it  would 
seem  that  the  Niger  is  navigable  to  a  much  greater 
distance  westward,  than  it  is  represented  to  be  in 
any  of  the  existing  maps  of  that  part  of  Africa  ;  nor 
does  there  appear  to  be  any  authority  to  oppose  to 
this  theory,  except  the  information  which  Major 
Rennell  states  Mr.  Park  to  have  received,  when  at 
Kamalia,  on  his  return  from  his  first  journey  ;  that 
the  source  of  the  Niger  was  at  a  bearing  of  south,  a 
very  little  west,  seven  journeys  distant,  for  which 
Mr.  Park  calculated  one  hundred  and  eight  geogra- 
phical miles.f  The  name  of  the  place  was  said  to  be 
Sankari,  which  the  Major  supposes  to  correspond 
with  the  Song  of  D'Anville.  But  this  account  is  too 
vague  to  be  implicitly  relied  upon,  in  a  country, 
where  men  travel,  as  Mr.  Park  observes,f  only  for 
the  acquirement  of  wealth  ;  and  pay  but  little  at- 
tention to  the  course  of  rivers,  or  the  geography  of 
countries.  In  other  respects,  the  idea  that  the 
Niger  is  navigable  to  a  considerable  distance  above 
Bammakoo,  instead  of  being  contradicted,  is  much 
supported  by  all  the  information  which  is  to  be  col- 

*  "  We  sell  them  (the  articles  brought  by  the  Moors)  to  the  Moors  ; 
"the  Moors  bring  them  to  Tombuctoo,  where  they  sell  them  at  a 
"  higher  rate.  The  people  of  Tombuctoo  sell  them  to  the  people  of 
"  Jinnie  at  a  still  higher  price ;  and  the  people  of  Jinnie  sell  them  to 
"you."     Park's  Last  Mission,  4to.  p.  268. 

f  Appendix,  First  Journey,  page  xliv.         {  Idem,  page  214. 


APPENDIX.       NO.    I.  171 

lected  from  Mr.  Park's  Journeys,  and  particularly 
his  Last  Mission  ;  though  to  a  person  looking  only 
at  the  Map  attached  to  his  Notes,  the  fact  would  ap- 
pear to  be  otherwise. 

Tne  Arabick  interpreter  speaks  of  a  trade  and 
extensive  navigation  above  the  falls  of  Sootasoo, 
which  must  be  to  the  westward  ;  as  he  states  it  to 
extend  into  the  country  of  a  Mandingo  nation  called 
Malms,*  whose  territories  approach  near  to  the 
rock  Gouvina.  His  account  is  supported  by  the 
fact,  that  Bammakoo  is  at  the  commencement  of  the 
Mandingo  Nations ;  but  the  representation  of  the 
river  above  it,  according  to  our  maps,  gives  no  idea 
of  the  further  voyage  which  he  speaks  of.  Mr. 
Park  does  not  notice  the  existence  of  the  falls  of  Soo- 
tasoo,  but  from  his  description  of  the  rapids  at  Bam- 
makoo, there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  they 
are  the  same.t  He  tells  us,  that  at  that}  season 
(21st  August)  the  river  was  navigable  over  the 
rapids.  We  are  consequently  to  understand,  that 
at  other  seasons  it  is  not  navigable  over  them  even 
downwards  ;  and  that  although  he  avoided  the  prin- 
cipal falls,  where,  as  he  says,  the  water  breaks  with 
considerable  noise    in    the    middle    of    the     river, 

*  We  have  no  account  of  the  people  here  spoken  of  under  the  name 
of  Matins,  and  have  ascertained  hy  Mr.  Park's  discoveries,  that  the 
river  does  not  actually  approach  the  rock  Gouvina;  but  it  should  be 
observed  that  the  rock  was  the  only  point  in  that  part  of  Africa  to 
which  the  interpreter  could  refer  as  known  to  the  person  to  whom 
his  communication  was  addressed.  The  Mandingo  nations  commence 
to  the  eastward  at  about  Bammakoo,  and  extend  some  distance  to  the 
northwest,  and  to  the  west  almost  to  the  seacoast.  From  this  cir- 
cumstance therefore,  as  well  as  from  the  mention  of  the  rock  Gou- 
vina, it  is  evident  that  the  country  spoken  of  must  be  to  the  west  of 
Bammakoo. 

f  The  country  in  which  Bammakoo  is  situated,  and  a  very  extensive 
tract  to  the  westward,  is  stated  by  D'Anville  to  be  inhabited  by  a 
people  called  Soosos. 

|  Last  Mission,  page  257 


172  APPENDIX.      NO.    I. 

and  paddled  down  one  of  the  branches  near  the 
shore ;  still  the  velocity  was  such,  as  to  make  hiua 
sigh.* 

Major  Rennell,  who  appears  to  have  obtained 
from  Mr.  Park  information  upon  geographical  mat- 
ters, far  beyond  that  which  is  to  be  collected  by  the 
mere  perusal  of  his  first  Journey,  states,  thatf  the 
Niger  first  becomes  navigable  at  Bammakoo,  or  per- 
haps, that  it  is  only  navigable  upwards  to  that  point 
in  a  continuous  course  from  Tombuctoo.  His  lat- 
ter supposition  is  most  probably  correct,  as  it  does 
not  militate  against  the  existence  of  a  navigation, 
not  continuous,  beyond  Bammakoo,  nor  against  the 
fact  proved  by  Mr.  Park  in  his  second  mission,  that 
at  particular  seasons  the  rapids  may  be  passed 
downwards.  It  is  also  clear  from  Park,  that  there 
is,  at  least  to  a  certain  distance,  above  Bammakoo, 
a  populous  and  trading  country  :  as  it  was  at  Kan* 
caba  (called  in  the  maps  Kaniaba)f  that  Karfa  Tau- 
ra  bought  his  slaves  before  proceeding  to  the  coast. 
It  is  called  a  large  town  on  the  banks  of  the  Niger, 
and  a  great  slave  market ;  and  is  placed  by  Major 
Rennell,  (doubtless  on  the  authority  of  Park)  above 
Bammakoo. §  Most  of  the  slaves,  Mr.  Park  says, 
who  are  sold  at  Kancaba,  come  from  Bambarra :  for 
Mansong,  to  avoid  the  expense  and  danger  of  keep- 
ing all  his  prisoners  at  Sego,  commonly  sends  them 
in  small  parties  to  be  sold  at  the  different  trading 
towns;  and  as  Kancaba  is  much  resorted  to  by 
merchants,  it  is  always  well  supplied  with  slaves, 
which  are  sent  thither  up  the  Niger  in  canoes.  It 
cannot  be  supposed  that  this  resort  of  merchants, 
is  from  places  down  the  river ;  that  they  leave  the 

*  Idem,  page  258. 
f  First  Journey,  Appendix,  xliv.  f  Idem,  p.  275, 

6  Idem,  Major  Rennell's  Maps. 


APPENDIX.      NO.    I.  173 

great  markets  of  Sego  and  Sansanding,  to  labour 
over  the  rapids  to  Kancaba;  or  that  the  slaves 
would  be  sent  there  to  be  bought  by  merchants  who 
could  receive  them  at  places  so  much  nearer.  It 
must  be  for  a  trade  down  the  river  from  populous 
countries  situated  above  Kancaba,  that  they  are  sent 
there.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  believe,  that  a  river,  which 
Mr.  Park  states  to  be  at  Bammakoo,  a  mile  across, 
and  to  be  interrupted  in  its  navigation  only  by  a  lo- 
cal cause,  should  not  be  navigable  above  that  cause : 
or  that  a  stream,  which  he  states  to  be  larger  even 
there  (at  Bammakoo)  than  either  the  Gambia  or  the 
Senegal,  should  be  distant  from  its  source  only  108 
geographical  miles,  and  draw  its  supplies  from  a 
country,  which,  by  the  map  attached  to  Park's  last 
mission,  appears  to  be  only  40  or  50  G.  miles  in 
breadth ;  when  the  Senegal  has  a  course  of  not 
less  than  600  G.  miles,  measured  by  the  same  map, 
across  to  the  rock  Gouvina,  and  from  that  to  its 
mouth,  without  making  any  further  allowance  for 
its  windings;  and  drains  for  its  support,  a  country 
extending,  according  to  the  same  authority,  in 
breadth,  not  less  than  300  G.  miles.  It  will  of 
course  occur  to  any  person,  looking  at  the  maps  at- 
tached to  Park's  Journeys,  that  the  places  marked 
out  as  the  sources  of  the  Senegal  and  Gambia,  pre- 
clude the  possibility  of  the  Niger's  extending  far- 
ther to  the  westward  than  is  there  represented ;  but 
upon  a  careful  perusal  of  Park's  Last  Mission, 
there  seems  strong  ground  to  believe,  that  the  fra- 
mers  of  his  map,  proceeding  upon  the  old  idea  that 
the  Seqegal  and  Gambia  take  their  rise  in  the  Kong 
mountains,  have  here  fallen  into  an  errour.  It 
would  appear  that  there  are  two  distinct  ranges  of 
mountains,  commencing  at  the  Foota  J  alia  hills. 
The  Kong  mountains  running  to  the  east,  but  in  a 


174  APPENDIX.       NO.    I. 

line  curved  considerably  to  the  south,  and  supposed 
to  be  the  greatest  mountains  in  Africa ;  the  other 
proceeding  in  a  more  direct  line  and  increasing  in  its 
elevation,  as  it  extends  towards  the  east,  seems  to 
approach  nearly  to  its  full  height  at  the  Konkodoo 
mountains,  and  bending  or  returning  to  the  north  and 
N.  W.  beyond  Toniba,  where  Mr.  Park  crossed  it, 
to  give  birth  to  all  the  streams,  which,  united,  form 
the  Senegal. 

Of  the  sources  of  the  Gambia,  we  have  no  particu- 
lar account,  but  it  seems  probable  that  these  two 
ranges  of  mountains  are  united  at  their  western  ex- 
tremity, and  that  the  Gambia  does  not  extend  beyond 
this  union  ;  an  idea  in  which  there  is  ground  to 
believe  that  Mr.  Park  would  have  concurred  from 
expressions  in  two  of  his  first  letters  to  Sir  Joseph 
Banks,  the  first  dated  from  Kayee,  River  Gambia, 
26  April,  1805.*  "  The  course  of  the  Gambia  is 
"  certainly  not  so  long  as  is  laid  down  in  the  charts." 
The  second  letter  is  dated  Badoo,  near  Tambacun- 
da,  May  28th,  1805.f  "  The  course  of  the  Gambia 
"  is  laid  down  on  my  chart  too  much  to  the  south ;  I 
"  have  ascertained  nearly  its  whole  course."  The 
removal  of  the  river  more  to  the  north  by  leaving  a 
larger  space  for  its  course  from  the  mountains,  ren- 
ders it  more  probable  that  it  should  be  terminated  at 
the  point  herein  supposed;  and  if  its  sources  were  as 
they  are  represented  to  be  in  our  maps,  it  is  difficult 
to  imagine  that  Mr.  Park  could,  as  he  states,  have 
ascertained  nearly  its  whole  course. 

The  position  of  the  northern  range  of  hills  is  de- 
scribed by  Mr.  Park  with  considerable  accuracy 
at  Dindikoo.J  where  he  speaks  of  the  inhabitants 
looking  from  their  tremendous  precipices  over  that 
wild  and  woody  plain  which  extends  from  the  Fale- 

*  The  Last  Mission,  p.  62.        f  Idem,  p.  69.        J  Last  Mission,  p.  176. 


APPENDIX.      NO.    I.  175 

me  to  the  Black  River.  This  plain,  he  says,  is,  in 
extent  from  north  to  south,  about  forty  miJes;  the 
range  of  hills  to  the  south  seems  to  run  in  the  same 
direction  as  those  of  Konkodoo,  viz.  from  east  to 
west.  The  framers  of  his  map  have  made  them  run 
north  and  south,  because  they  could  not  otherwise 
carry  the  sources  of  the  rivers  beyond  them.  Dindi- 
koo  was  on  the  northern  range  of  hills,  and  suppos- 
ing the  southern  range  to  be,  as  he  states,  distant 
about  forty  miles,  it  will  be  found  sufficient  to  ac- 
count for  the  size  assigned  to  all  the  rivers  passed 
by  Mr.  Park  in  his  route  from  the  Gambia. 

The  first  of  these  is  the  Faleme  river,  which  he 
had  already  crossed  at  Madina.#  No  particular  ac- 
count is  given  of  the  size  of  this  river,  or  of  the  man- 
ner of  passing  it;  but  in  his  former  journey,  when  he 
crossed  it  about  the  same  place,  he  sayst  that  it  was 
easily  forded,  being  only  about  two  feet  deep.  In  his 
last  mission,^  he  says,  its  course  is  from  the  south- 
east, the  distance  to  its  source  six  ordinary  days' 
travel.  Assigning  to  it  this  course,  its  source  will 
not  be  beyond  the  hills  ;  but  the  compilers  of  the  map 
attached  to  his  Journal  have  given  it  a  course  much 
more  nearly  south,  and  have  placed  its  source,  even 
in  this  direction,  far  beyond  six  days'  journey  by  their 
own  scale,  and  without  making  any  allowance  for 
the  time,  and  the  distance  in  an  horizontal  line,  lost 
in  travelling  over  a  mountainous  country.  The  next 
river  is  the  Ba  Lee,  too  insignificant  to  be  noticed. 
The  next  the  Ba  Fing,  the  greatest  of  the  rivers 
which  form  the  Senegal.  This  was  passed  at  Kon- 
kromo  by  canoes.  He  gives  us  no  account  of  the 
course  of  this  river  or  the  distance  to  its  sources,  but 
merely  says,||  M  it  is  here  a  large  river,  quite  navi- 

*  Idem,  page  167.  f  First  Journey,  page  34G. 

t  Last  Mission,  page  167.        ||  Last  Mission,  pages  1«3,  lfl4,  195, 


176  APPENDIX.       NO.    I. 

"  gable ;  it  is  swelled  at  this  time  about  two  feet, 
"  and  flows  at  the  rate  of  three  knots  per  hour." 
When  fully  flooded,  its  course  must  be  much  more 
rapid,  as  in  his  first  journey,*  he  crossed  it  by  a 
bridge,  formed  of  two  trees,  tied  together  by  the 
tops;  and  adds,  that  this  bridge  is  carried  away 
every  year  by  the  swelling  of  the  river.  Running, 
as  we  collect,  from  both  Mr.  Park's  journeys,  but 
particularly  the  first,  as  this  river  does,  at  the  foot 
of  a  high  ridge  of  mountains,t  and  through  a  coun- 
try, which  he  calls  every  where  "  hilly,  and  rugged, 
u  and  grand  beyond  any  thing  he  had  seen  ;"f  and 
allowing  for  its  necessary  sinuosity  in  such  a  coun- 
try, and  its  receipt  of  numerous  smaller  streams  in 
passing  through  it,  there  can  be  no  difficulty  in  ac- 
counting for  it  such  as  described  by  Mr.  Park  at 
Konkromo,  by  placing  its  sources  in  the  hills  already 
described ;  for  neither  his  descriptions  of  a  river,which 
being  flooded  two  feet  is  quite  navigable,  nor  of  one, 
which  could  be  crossed  by  so  simple  a  bridge,  im- 
press us  with  the  idea  of  a  mighty  stream,  or  of  one 
far  distant  from  its  source.  It  is  also  fair  to  presume, 
that  this  and  the  other  rivers,  forming  the  Senegal, 
have  a  part  of  their  course  at,  or  parallel  with,  the 
foot  of  these  hills,  collecting  the  waters  which  de- 
scend from  them.  The  next  river  is  crossed  near  to 
Madina,  and  is  represented  in  the  map  as  formed  by 
the  confluence  of  the  Furkomah  and  Boki  rivers,  and 
not  very  greatly  inferiour  either  in  magnitude  or  in 
the  length  of  its  course  even  to  the  Ba  Fing.  All 
that  Mr.  Park  says  of  this  great  river,  is,  "  at  eleven 
"  o'clock,  crossed  a  stream,  like  a  mill-stream,  run- 
ning north"  !||  The  last  river  we  come  to,  is  the 
Ba  Woolima,  with  its   various  streams,  the  Wonda, 

*  First  Journey,  page  338.  f  First  Journey,  page  340. 

|  Second  Mission,  page  192,  and  First  Journey,  page  337,  et  passim 
||  Second  Mission,  page  197. 


APPENDIX.       NO.    I.  177 

Ba  Lee,  Kokoro,  &c. ;  which,  after  what  has  been 
said  of  the  Ba  Fing,  scarcely  require  to  be  noticed  ; 
except,  that  by  their  windings  and  the  numerous 
streams  crossed  in  each  day's  journey,  they  serve 
to  shew  the  small  distance,  in  which  a  considerable 
river  may  be  formed  in  such  a  country.  They  are 
all  clearly  bounded  by  the  chain  of  mountains  herein 
described,  which,  a  little  further  eastward,  bends  or 
returns  (as  already  observed)  to  the  north  and 
northwest  to  the  kingdom  of  Kasson,*  and  forms 
the  eastern  angle  of  the  triangle,  described  by  Major 
Rennell,  in  his  Appendix  to  Park's  first  Journey ;  a 
description  corresponding  very  accurately  with  that 
here  supposed;  though  the  Major,  in  his  Map,  still 
carries  the  sources  of  the  Senegal  (the  Ba  Fing,  &c.) 
across  to  the  Kong  mountains,  and  represents  the 
mountains  in  that  part  of  the  country  as  running 
north  and  south,  and  extending  southward  to  the 
same  chain  of  mountains  ;  and  it  is  in  this  point  only, 
that  there  appears  to  be  reason  for  doubting  his  cor- 
rectness. In  Konkodoo,  we  have  this  northern  range 
clearly  described  as  running  east  and  west  at  a  dis- 
tance of  about  forty  miles.  By  the  necessity  for 
avoiding  the  difficulties  of  the  Jalonka  wilderness, 
we  there  lose  sight  of  them  for  a  time  ;  but  when 
we  find  them  again  at  Toniba,  they  are  there  also 
running  east  and  west,  for  Mr.  Park  crossed  them  in 
a  course  nearly  from  north  to  south,!  and  we  have 
endeavoured  to  shew,  that  the  magnitude  of  the 
rivers  passed  in  the  intermediate  space,  is  not  such 
as  necessarily  to  induce  a  belief,  that  the  mountains 
do  not  there  preserve  the  same  direction ;  especially 
as  the  course  of  the  greatest  of  these  rivers  is  not 
given,  whether  from  the  south,  or  rather  from  the 

*  First  Journey,  Appendix,  page  xix. 
f  Second  Mission,  pages  253,  254,  255. 
23 


178  APPENDIX.       NO.    I. 

eastward  of  south,  which  seems  the  most  probable ; 
as  the  Major  represents  (and  we  believe  with  correct- 
ness), that  the  eastern  level  of  the  country  is  here 
the  highest. 

It  is  in  the  plain,  left  between  the  Kong  mountains 
and  this  ridge,  which,  according  to  Park,  separates 
the  Niger  from  the  remote  branches  of  the  Senegal  ;# 
that  the  Niger  has  its  course,  "  rolling  its  immense 
u  stream  along  the  plain,"t  and  washing  the  southern 
base  of  these  mountains.^  The  extent  of  this  plain 
to  the  west,  and  the  distance  to  which  the  Niger  is 
navigable  through  it,  are  points  not  yet  known,  and 
which,  although  of  the  very  utmost  importance  to 
the  prosecution  of  our  discoveries  or  the  extension 
of  our  trade  in  the  interiour.  it  does  not  appear  that 
any  attempt  has  yet  been  made  to  ascertain.  From 
its  situation  between  two  such  ranges  of  mountains, 
it  may  be  presumed,  that  the  plain  is  of  great  eleva- 
tion ;  and  from  the  report  of  the  Arabick  interpre- 
ter, supported  by  Mr.  Park's  account  of  Kaniaba  or 
Kancaba,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  Niger  is 
navigable  through  it,  to  a  considerable  distance 
westward.  The  information  received  by  Mr.  Park 
at  Kamalia  may  still  have  been  correct:  one  of  the 
principal  streams,  forming  the  Niger,  may  have  its 
source  at  the  place  described  to  him;  another  may 
flow  down  this  plain  from  the  westward,  collecting 
in  its  course  all  the  streams  that  run  from  the  south 
side  of  the  mountains  which  give  birth  to  tl  e  Sene- 
gal, and  from  the  northern  declivity  of  the  Kong 
mountains.  In  this  way  we  have  no  difficulty  in  ac- 
counting for  the  magnitude  of  the  Niger  at  Bamma- 
koo;  which  we  have  already  observed  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  do,  by  the  course  hitherto  assigned  to  it  ; 
especially  when  it  is  considered  that  that  course  is 

*  Idem,  page  256.   f  Idem,  page  256.   J  Idem,  page  231 . 


APPENDIX.      NO.    I.  179 

nearly  at  a  right  angle  with  the  Kong  mountains,  and 
consequently  a  great  part  of  it  through  the  plain, 
where  it  is  not  likely  to  receive  much  additional 
supply. 

If  these  conjectures  be  well  founded,  it  would  seem 
that  our  pursuit  should  be,  instead  of  endeavouring 
to  perform  the  difficult,  dangerous,  and  expensive 
operation  of  transporting  a  caravan  to  the  remote 
station  of  Bamraakoo  ;  to  search  for  the  nearest  point 
to  the  westward,  at  which  the  Niger  is  navigable; 
that  we  may  commence  our  discoveries  and  trade 
by  navigation  as  near  as  possible  to  the  Western 
Ocean.  With  this  view,  the  Gambia  should  be  im- 
mediately occupied  by  this  country ;  and  indeed  this, 
under  any  circumstances,  would  seem  to  be  a  wise 
measure,  that  we  may  not,  at  the  moment  that  our 
discoveries  begin  to  lead  to  results  of  value,  find, 
that  the  right  of  navigating  that  river  is  disputed 
with  us  by  the  prior  establishment  of  some  rival  and 
more  active  European  nation. 

An  establishment  should  then  be  formed  as  high 
up  that  river  as  its  navigation,  and  the  state  of  the 
country,  will  permit ;  and  from  this  point,  there  could 
be  no  great  difficulty  or  expense  in  sending  a  mission 
into  the  interiour,  to  the  southeast,  to  seek  for 
the  sources  of  the  Niger,  and  the  extent  of  its  naviga- 
tion to  the  westward.  Nor  can  there  be  any  ques- 
tion upon  the  possibility  of  establishing  a  settlement 
high  up  in  the  Gambia,  from  whence  to  commence 
our  discoveries,  after  the  example  of  the  French  Fort 
of  St.  Joseph  at  Galam  on  the  Senegal.  Galam  is 
150  leagues  in  a  direct  line  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Senegal,  or  by  the  course  of  the  river  350  leagues.* 

*  These  distances  are  given  according  to  a  most  beautiful  and  cor- 
rect Chart  of  the  River  Senegal,  drawn  from  an  actual  survey,  which 
was  in  the  possession  of  the  gentleman  here  alluded  to  as  having 
been  in  the  government  of  Senegal,  and  was  taken  from  him  by  the 
French,  by  whom  he  was  captured  on  a  voyage  to  England. 


180  APPENDIX.       NO.    I. 

The  fort  was  many  years  in  the  possession  of  the 
French  ;  and  at  the  time  its  garrison  was  removed 
after  the  capture  of  Senegal  by  this  country  in  the 
year  1763,  the  officer  in  charge  of  it  had  been  station- 
ed there  twenty-four  years,  the  next  in  command  six- 
teen, and  others  very  long  periods.  The  natives  were 
so  far  from  shewing  any  hostile  disposition  to  the 
French  trade  upon  the  river,  that  they  gave  to  it 
every  possible  protection  and  encouragement  ;  as 
they  were  fully  sensible  that  it  was  for  their  interest 
to  support  it:  the  navigation  of  the  river  was  secure, 
and  the  officers  at  the  fort  upon  the  most  friendly 
footing  with  the  inland  powers. 

By  commencing  our  operations  from  the  Gambia 
in  the  manner  proposed,  wa  should  have  the  impor- 
tant advantage  of  experiencing  the  least  possible 
opposition  from  our  rivals  and  inveterate  enemies, 
the  Moors;  whose  influence  naturally  diminishes  in 
proportion  as  we  recede  from  the  Desert :  and  if  we 
were  once  established  on  the  Niger,  our  superiour 
advantages  in  trade  would  render  nugatory  any 
attempts,  which  they  might  make  to  resist  our  further 
progress. 


P.  S.  The  writer  of  this  Memoir  thinks  it  right  to 
disclaim  all  pretensions  to  any  superiour  or  exclu- 
sive knowledge  of  African  geography.  There  ap- 
peared to  him  to  be  something  inconsistent  in  the 
magnitude  of  the  Niger  as  represented  by  Mr.  Park 
at  Bammakoo,  and  its  sources  according  to  our  maps  ; 
and  being  in  possession  of  a  paper  which  seemed 
to  throw  some  little  light  upon  the  subject,  he  has 
ventured  to  give  it  to  the  publick,  accompanied  with 
a  few  remarks  ;  and  will  feel  highly  gratified,  if  they 
should  have  the  effect  of  engaging  the  attention  of 
some  person  capable  of  doing  justice  to  an  inquiry 
which  is  certainly  interesting  and  important. 


APPENDIX.     No.  II* 


The  whole  of  the  population  of  Western  Barbary 
may  be  divided  into  three  great  classes  (exclusive  of 
the  Jews)  viz.  Berrebbers,  Arabs,  and  Moons.  1  he 
two  former  of  these  are  in  every  respect  distinct  ra- 
ces of  people,  and  are  each  again  subdivided  into 
various  tribes  or  communities  ;  the  third  are  chiefly 
compiled  of  the  other  two  classes,  or  of  their  de- 
scendants, occasionally  mixed  with  the  European  or 
Negro  races. 

In  the  class  of  Berrebbers,  of  which  I  shall  first 
treat,  I  include  all  those  who  appear  to  be  descend- 
ants of  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  country  before 
the  Arabian  conquest  ;  and  who  speak  several  lan- 
guages, or  dialects  of  the  same  language,  totally  dif- 
ferent from  the  Arabick.  The  subdivisions  of  this 
class  are — 1st,  the  Errifi,  who  inhabit  the  extensive 
mountainous  province  of  that  name  on  the  shores  of 
the  Mediterranean  ;  2dly,  the  Berrebbers  of  the  lnte- 
riour,  who  commence  on  the  southern  confines  of 
Errif,  and  extend   to  the    vicinity  of  Fez    and   Me- 

*  This  original  and  interesting  Sketch  of  the  Popvlation  of  Western 
Barbary  grew  out  of  some  observations  made  by  the  Editor  to  Mr. 
Dupuis,  upon  the  frequent  indiscriminate  use  of  the  names  of  Arab  and 
Moor,  in  speaking  apparently  of  the  same  people  :  and  the  explanation 
of  these  terms  (as  well  as  of  the  term  Shillvh.  see  p.  133,  Note  56)  hav- 
ing led  Mr.  Dupuis  into  a  longer  detail  thanrould  be  conveniently  com- 
prised in  a  Note  on  the  Narrative,  he  kindly  consented,  at  the  Editor's 
request,  to  extend  his  Remarks  to  all  the  classes  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Empire  of  Morocco;  and  the  Editor  is  happy  to  have  permission 
to  present  these  Remarks,  in  their  present  entire  form,  to  the  reader. 


182  APPENDIX.       NO.    II. 

quinez,  occupying  all  the  mountains  and  high  lands 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  those  cities;  .^dly,  the  Ber- 
rebbers  of  Middle  jitlas  ;  and,  4thly,  the  Shi  Huh 
of  Suse  and  Haha,  who  extend  from  Mogadore 
southward  to  the  extreme  boundaries  of  the  domi- 
nions of  the  Cid  Heshem,  and  from  the  seacoast  to 
the  eastern  limits  of  the  mountains  of  Atlas. 

Trie  Erriji  are  a  strong  and  athletick  race  of  peo- 
ple, hardy  and  enterprising;  their  features  are  gene- 
rally good,  and  might  in  many  cases  be  considered 
handsome,  were  it  not  for  the  malignant  and  fero- 
cious expression  which  marks  them  in  common  with 
the  Berrebber  tribes  in  general,  but  which  is  pecu- 
liarly striking  in  the  eye  of  an  Errif.  They  also  pos- 
sess that  marked  feature  of  the  Berrebber  tribes,  a 
scantiness  of  beard  ;  many  of  the  race,  particularly 
in  the  south,  having  only  a  few  straggling  hairs  on 
the  upper  lip,  and  a  small  tuft  on  the  chin.  They 
are  incessantly  bent,  on  robbing  and  plundering  ;  in 
which  they  employ  either  open  violence  or  cunning 
and  treachery,  as  the  occasion  requires  ;  and  they 
are  restrained  by  no  checks  either  of  religion,  morals 
or  humanity.  However,  to  impute  to  them  in  particu- 
lar, as  distinct  from  other  inhabitants  of  Barbary,  the 
crimes  of  theft,  treachery,  and  murder,  would  cer- 
tainly be  doing  them  great  injustice  ;  but  I  believe  I 
may  truly  describe  them  as  more  ferocious  and  faith- 
less than  any  other  tribe  of  Berrebbers. 

The  Berrebbers  of  the  districts  of  Fez,  Mequinez, 
and  the  mountains  of  Middle  Atlas,  strongly  resem- 
ble the  Errifi  in  person,  but  are  said  to  be  not  quite 
so  savage  in  disposition.  They  are  a  warlike  peo- 
ple, extremely  tenacious  of  the  independence  which 
their  mountainous  country  gives  them  opportunities 
of  asserting,  omit  no  occasion  of  shaking  off  the  con- 
trol of  government,  and  are  frequently  engaged  in 
open  hostilities  with  their  neighbours  the  Arabs,  or 


APPENDIX.      NO.    II.  183 

the  Emperour's  black  troops.  They  are,  as  I  am 
informed,  the  only  tribes  in  Barbary  who  use  the 
bayonet.  The  districts  which  they  inhabit  are 
peculiarly  interesting  and  romantick ;  being  a  succes- 
sion of  hills  and  vallies  well  watered  and  wooded, 
and  producing  abundance  of  grain  and  pasturage. 

The  Shilluhi  or  Berrebbers  of  the  south  of  Bar- 
bary,  differ  in  several  respects  from  their  brethren 
in  the  north.  They  are  rather  diminutive  in  person; 
and  besides  the  want  of  beard  already  noticed,  have 
in  general  an  effeminate  tone  of  voice.  They  aie, 
however,  active  and  enterprising.  They  possess  ra- 
thermore  of  the  social  qualities  than  the  other  tribes, 
appear  to  be  susceptible  of  strong  attachments  and 
friendships,  and  are  given  to  hospitality.  They  are 
remarkable  for  their  attachment  to  their  petty  chief- 
tains; and  the  engagements  or  friendships  of  the  lat- 
ter are  held  so  sacred,  that  1  never  heard  of  an  in- 
stance of  depredation  being  committed  on  travellers 
furnished  with  their  protection,  (which  it  is  usual  to 
purchase  with  a  present)  or  on  any  of  the  valuable 
caravans  which  are  continually  passing  to  and  fro 
through  their  territory,  between  Barbary  and  Sou- 
dan. However,  the  predominant  feature  of  their 
character  is  self-interest;  and  although  in  their  deal- 
ings amongst  strangers,  or  in  the  towns,  they  assume 
a  great  appearance  of  fairness  and  sincerity,  yet  they 
are  not  scrupulous  when  they  have  the  power  in  their 
own  hands:  and  like  the  other  Berrebbers,  they  are 
occasionally  guilty  of  the  most  atrocious  acts  of 
treachery  and  murder,  not  merely  against  Christians 
(for  that  is  almost  a  matter  of  course  with  all  the 
people  of  their  nation)  but  even  against  Mohamme- 
dan travellers,  w7ho  have  the  imprudence  to  pass 
through  their  country  without  having  previously  se- 
cured the  protection  of  one  of  their  chiefs. 


184  APPENDIX.       NO.    II. 

As  the  Shilluh  have  been  said  to  be  sincere  and 
faithful  in  their  friendships,  so  are  they  on  the  other 
hand,  perfectly  implacable  in  their  enmities  and  in- 
satiable in  their  revenge.*  Their  country  produces 
grain  in  abundance,  cattle,  wax,  almonds,  and  vari- 
ous valuable  articles  of  trade. 

I  have  already  said,  that  the  languages  of  all  the 
Berrebber  tribes  are  totally  different  from  the  Ara- 
bick ;  but  vvhetner  they  are  corrupted  dialects  of 
the  ancient  Punick,  Numidian,  or  Mauritanian,  I 
must   leave   to  others  to  determine.     That   of  the 


*  The  following  anecdote,  to  the  catastrophe  of  which  I  was  an  eye 
witness,  will  exemplify  in  some  degree  these  traits  of  their  character. 
A  Shilluh  having  murdered  one  of  his  countrymen  in  a  quarrel,  fled 
to  the  Arabs  from  the  vengeance  of  the  relations  of  his  antagonist  ; 
but  not  thinking  himself  secure  even  there,  he  joined  a  party  of  pil- 
grims and  went  to  Mecca.  From  this  expiatory  journey  he  returned 
at  the  end  of  eight  or  nine  years  to  Barbary ;  and  proceeded  to  his 
native  district,  he  there  sought  (under  the  sanctified  name  of  El  Haje, 
the  Pilgrim, — a  title  of  reverence  amongst  the  Mohammedans)  to 
effect  a  reconciliation  with  the  friends  of  the  deceased.  They,  how- 
ever, upon  hearing  of  his  return,  attempted  to  seize  him ;  but  owing 
to  the  fleetnessof  lis  horse  he  escaped  and  fled  to  Mogadore,  having 
been  severely  wounded  by  a  musket  ball  in  his  flight.  His  pursuers 
followed  him  thither;  but  the  Governour  of  Mogadore  hearing  the 
circumstances  of  the  case,  strongly  interested  himself  in  behalf  of  the 
fugitive,  and  endeavoured,  but  in  vain,  to  effect  a  reconciliation.  The 
man  was  imprisoned ;  and  his  persecutors  then  hastened  to  Morocco 
to  seek  justice  of  the  Emperour.  That  prince,  it  is  said,  endeavoured 
to  save  the  prisoner;  and  to  add  weight  to  his  recommendation,  of- 
fered a  pecuniary  compensation  in  lieu  of  the  offender's  life;  which 
the  parties,  although  persons  of  mean  condition,  rejected.  They  re- 
turned triumphant  to  Mogadore,  with  the  Emperour's  order  for  the  de- 
livery of  the  prisoner  into  their  hands  :  and  having  taken  him  out  of 
prison,  they  immediately  conveyed  him  without  the  walls  of  the  town, 
where  one  of  the  party,  loading  his  musket  before  the  face  of  their 
victim,  placed  the  muzzle  to  his  breast  and  shot  him  through  the  body ; 
but  as  the  man  did  not  immediately  fall,  he  drew  his  dagger  and  by 
repeated  stabbing  put  an  end  to  his  existence.  The  calm  intrepidity, 
with  which  this  unfortunate  Shilluh  stood  to  meet  his  fate,  could  not 
be  witnessed  without  the  highest  admiration ;  and,  however  much  we 
must  detest  the  blood-thirs'iness  of  his  executioners,  we  must  still 
acknowledge,  that  there  is  something  closely  allied  to  nobleness  of  senti- 
ment, in  the  inflexible  perseverance  with  which  they  pursued  the  mur- 
derer of  their  friend  to  punishment,  without  being  diverted  from  theiv 
purpose  by  the  strong  inducements  of  self-interest. 


APPENDIX.       NO.    II.  185 

Errifi,  I  am  told,  is  peculiar  to  themselves.  It  has 
also  been  asserted  that  the  language  of  the  Berreb- 
bers  of  the  interiour,  and  of  the  Shilluh,  are  total- 
ly distinct  from  each  other;  but  I  have  been  assur- 
ed by  those  who  are  conversant  with  them,  that  al- 
though differing  in  many  respects,  they  are  really 
dialects  of  the  same  tongue. 

Like  the  Arabs,  the  Berrebbers  are  divided  into 
numerous  petty  tribes  or  clans,  each  tribe  or  family 
distinguishing  itself  by  the  name  of  its  patriarch  or 
founder.  The  authority  of  the  chiefs  is  usually 
founded  upon  their  descent  from  some  sanctified  an- 
cestor, or  upon  a  peculiar  eminence  of  the  individual 
himself  in  Mohammedan  zeal  or  some  other  reli- 
gious qualification. 

With  the  exception  already  noticed,  (that  the 
Berrebbers  of  the  North  are  of  a  more  robust  and 
stouter  make  than  the  Shilluh)  a  strong  family  like- 
ness runs  through  all  their  tribes.  Their  customs, 
dispositions,  and  national  character  are  nearly  the 
same  ;  they  are  all  equally  tenacious  of  the  inde- 
pendence which  their  local  positions  enable  them  to 
assume ;  and  all  are  animated  with  the  same  invete- 
rate and  hereditary  hatred  against  their  common 
enemy,  the  Arab.  They  invariably  reside  in  houses, 
or  hovels,  built  of  stone  and  timber,  which  are  gene- 
rally situated  on  some  commanding  eminence,  and 
are  fortified  and  loop-holed  for  self-defence.  Their 
usual  mode  of  warfare  is  to  surprise  their  enemy, 
rather  than  overcome  him  by  an  open  attack ;  they 
are  reckoned  the  best  marksmen,  and  possess  the 
best  firearms  in  Barbary,  which  renders  them  a  very 
destructive  enemy  wherever  the  country  affords 
shelter  and  concealment ;  but  although  they  are  al- 
ways an  over  match  for  the  Arabs  when  attacked 
in  their  own  rugged  territory,  they  are  obliged,  on 
the  other  hand,  to  relinquish  the  plains  to  the  Arab 

24 


186  APPENDIX.       NO.    II. 

cavalry,  against  which  the  Berrebbers  are  unable 
to  stand  on  open  ground. 

The  Arabs  of  Barbary  are  the  direct  descendants 
of  the  invaders  of  the  country,  who  about  the  year 
100  of  the  Hegira,  according  to  their  own  histories, 
completed  the  conquest  of  the  whole  of  the  North 
of  Africa,  dispersing  or  exterminating  the  nations 
which  either  attempted  to  oppose  their  progress, 
or  refused  the  Mohammedan  creed.  During  the 
dreadful  ravages  of  this  invasion,  the  surviving  in- 
habitants, unable  to  resist  their  ferocious  enemy, 
(whose  cavalry  doubtless  contributed  to  give  them 
their  decided  superiority)  fled  to  the  mountains; 
where  they  have  since  continued  to  live  under  the 
names  of  Berrebber,  Shilluh,  &c.  a  distinct  people, 
retaining  their  hereditary  animosity  against  their  in- 
vaders. 

The  Arabs,  who  now  form  so  considerable  a  por- 
tion of  the  population  of  Barbary,  and  whose  race 
(in  the  SherifFe  line)  has  given  Emperours  to  Mo- 
rocco ever  since  the  conquest,  occupy  all  the  level 
country  of  the  Empire ;  and  many  of  the  tribes, 
penetrating  into  the  Desert,  have  extended  them- 
selves even  to  the  confines  of  Soudan.  In  person 
they  are  generally  tall  and  robust,  with  fine  fea- 
tures and  intelligent  countenances.  Their  hair  is 
black  and  straight,  their  eyes  large,  black  and  pierc- 
ing, their  noses  gently  arched,  their  beards  full 
and  bushy,  and  they  have  invariably  good  teeth. 
The  colour  of  those  who  reside  in  Barbary  is  a 
deep  but  bright  brunette,  essentially  unlike  the  sal- 
low tinge  of  the  Mulatto.  The  Arabs  of  the  De- 
sert are  more  or  less  swarthy  according  tofctheir  prox- 
imity to  the  Negro  states ;  until,  in  some  tribes, 
they  are  found  entirely  black,  but  without  the  wool- 


APPENDIX.       NO.    II.  187 

ly  hair,  wide  nostril,  and  thick  lip  which  peculiarly 
belong  to  the  African  Negro. 

The  Arabs  are  universally  cultivators  of  the  earth 
or  breeders  of  cattle,  depending  on  agricultural 
pursuits  alone  for  subsistence.  To  use  a  common 
proverb  of  their  own,  "  the  earth  is  the  Arab's  por- 
tion." They  are  divided  into  small  tribes  or  fami- 
lies, as  I  have  already  stated  with  respect  to  the 
Berrebbers;— each  separate  tribe  having  a  particu- 
lar Patriarch  or  Head  by  whose  name  they  distin- 
guish themselves,  and  each  occupying  its  own  sepa- 
rate portion  of  territory.  They  are  scarcely  ever 
engaged  in  external  commerce ;  dislike  the  restraints 
and  despise  the  security  of  residence  in  towns;  and 
dwell  invariably  in  tents  made  of  a  stuff  woven  from 
goats'  hair  and  the  fibrous  root  of  the  palmeta.  In 
some  of  the  provinces  their  residences  form  large 
circular  encampments,  consisting  of  from  twenty  to  a 
hundred  tents,  where  they  are  governed  by  a  shieck 
or  magistrate  of  their  own  body.  This  officer  is 
again  subordinate  to  a  bashaw  or  governour  ap- 
pointed by  the  Emperour,  who  resides  in  some 
neighbouring  town.  In  these  encampments  there 
is  always  a  tent  set  apart  for  religious  worship,  and 
appropriated  to  the  use  of  the  weary  and  benighted 
traveller,  who  is  supplied  with  food  and  refreshment 
at  the  expense  of  the  community. 

Something  has  already  been  said  in  the  preceding 
Notes  of  the  character  of  the  Arab.  In  a  general 
view,  it  is  decidedly  more  noble  and  magnanimous 
than  that  of  the  Berrebber.  His  vices  are  of  a 
more  daring,  and  (if  I  may  use  the  expression)  of  a 
more  generous  cast.  He  accomplishes  his  designs 
rather  by  open  violence  than  by  treachery ;  he  has 
less  duplicity  and  concealment  than  the  Berrebber ; 
and  to  the  people  of  his  own  nation  or  religion 
he  is  much  more  hospitable   and   benevolent.     Be- 


188  APPENDIX.       NO.    II. 

yond  this,  I  fear  it  is  impossible  to  say  any  thing  in 
his  favour.  But  it  is  in  those  periods  of  civil  dis- 
cord which  have  been  so  frequent  in  Barbary,  that 
the  Arab  character  completely  developes  itself. — 
On  these  occasions  they  will  be  seen  linked  togeth- 
er in  small  tribes,  the  firm  friends  of  each  other, 
but  the  sworn  enemies  of  all  the  world  besides. 
Their  ravages  are  not  confined  merely  to  the  Ber- 
rebber  and  Bukharie  tribes  to  whom  they  are  at 
all  times  hostile,  and  whom  they  take  all  opportuni- 
ties of  attacking,  but  every  individual  is  their  ene- 
my who  is  richer  than  themselves.  Whilst  these 
dreadful  tempests  last,  the  Arabs  carry  devasta- 
tion and  destruction  wherever  they  go,  sparing 
neither  age  nor  sex,  and  even  ripping  open  the  dead 
bodies  of  their  victims,  to  discover  whether  they 
have  not  swallowed  their  riches  for  the  purpose  of 
concealment. 

Their  barbarity  towards  Christians  ought  not  to 
be  tried  by  the  same  rules  as  the  rest  of  their  con- 
duct; for  although  it  has  no  bounds  but  those  which 
self-interest  may  prescribe,  it  must  almost  be  con- 
sidered as  a  part  of  their  religion ;  so  deep  is  the 
detestation  which  they  are  taught  to  feel  for  the 
"  unclean  and  idolatrous  infidel."  A  Christian, 
therefore,  who  falls  into  the  hands  of  the  Arabs, 
has  no  reason  to  expect  any  mercy.  If  it  is  his  lot 
to  be  possessed  by  the  Arabs  of  the  Desert,  his 
value  as  a  slave  will  probably  save  his  life  ;  but  if 
he  happens  to  be  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  the  Em- 
perour's  dominions,  where  Europeans  are  not  allow- 
ed to  be  retained  in  slavery,  his  fate  would  in  most 
cases  be  immediate  death,  before  the  Government 
could  have  time  to  interfere  for  his  protection. 

The  next  great  division  of  the  people  of  Western 
Barbary,  are  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities  and  towns, 
who  may  be  collectively  classed  under  the  general 


APPENDIX.       NO.    II.  189 

denomination  of  Moors  ;  although  this  name  is  only 
known  to  them  through  the  language  of  Europeans. 
They  depend  chiefly  on  trade  and  manufactures  for 
subsistence,  and  confine  their  pursuits  in  general  to 
occupations  in  the  towns.  Occasionally,  however, 
but  very  rarely,  they  may  be  found  to  join  in  agri- 
cultural operations  with  the  Arabs. 

The  Moors  may  be  subdivided  into  the  four  fol- 
lowing classes — 1st,  the  tribes  descended  from  Arab 
families  ;  2d,  those  of  Berrebber  descent;  3d,  the 
Bukharie  ;  4  th,  the  Andalusie, 

The  Arab  families  are  the  brethren  of  the  conquer- 
ors of  the  country;  and  they  form  the  largest  por- 
tion of  the  population  of  the  southern  towns,  especial- 
ly of  those  which  border  on  Arab  districts. 

The  Berrebber  families  are  in  like  manner  more  or 
less  numerous  in  towns,  according  to  the  proximity  of 
the  latter  to  the  Berrebber  districts. 

The  Bukharie,  or  black  tribe,  are  the  descendants 
of  the  Negroes  brought  by  the  Emperour  Mulai  Is- 
mael  from  Soudan.  They  have  been  endowed  with 
gifts  of  land,  and  otherwise  encouraged  by  the  sub- 
sequent Emperours ;  and  the  tribe,  although  inconsi- 
derable in  point  of  numbers,  has  been  raised  to  im- 
portance in  the  state,  by  the  circumstance  of  its  form- 
ing the  standing  army  of  the  Emperour,  and  of  its 
being  employed   invariably   as   the    instruments    of 

fovernment.  Their  chief  residence  is  in  the  city  of 
Iequinez,  about  the  Emperour's  person.  They  are 
also  found,  but  in  smaller  numbers,  in  the  different 
towns  of  the  Empire. 

The  Andalusie,  who  form  the  fourth  class  of  Moors, 
are  the  reputed  descendants  of  the  Arab  conquerors 
of  Spain ;  the  remnant  of  whom,  on  being  expelled 
from  that  kingdom,  appear  to  have  retained  the 
name  of  its  nearest  province.  These  people  form  a 
large  class  of  the  population  of  the  towns  in  the  north 


190  APPENDIX.       NO.    II. 

of  Barbary,  particularly  of  Tetuan,  Mequinez,  Fez, 
and  Rhabatt  or  Saliee.  They  are  scarcely,  if  at 
all,  found  residing  to  the  south  of  the  river  Aza- 
moor;  being  confined  chiefly  to  that  province  of 
Barbary  known  by  the  name  of  El  Gharb. 

The  two  last  named  classes  of  Bukharie,  and 
Andalusie,  are  entire  in  themselves,  and  are  not  divi- 
sible into  smaller  communities  like  the  Moors  de- 
scended from  the  Arab  and  Berrebber  tribes,  the 
latter  imitating  in  that  respect  their  brethren  in- 
the  country,  and  retaining  the  names  of  the  petty 
tribes  from  which  their  ancestors  originally  sprung ; 
for  instance,  the  Antrie,  Rehamni,  &c.  which  are 
Arab  tribes,  and  the  Edoutanan,  the  Ait  Amoor, 
&c.  amongst  the  Berrebbers.  All  these  smaller 
tribes  are  very  solicitous  to  maintain  a  close  fami- 
ly alliance  with  their  brethren,  who  still  pursue 
their  agricultural  employment  in  the  country,  which 
they  find  of  great  advantage  in  the  event  of  in- 
testine commotions. 

The  length  of  time  since  the  settlement  of  these 
tribes  in  the  towns  cannot  be  accurately  ascertain- 
ed; but  the  manner  in  which  they  were  first  separat- 
ed from  their  kindred  in  the  country,  may  probably 
be  exemplified  by  the  following  modern  occurrence. 
When  the  father  of  the  present  Emperour  had  built 
the  town  of  Mogadore,  he  caused  a  certain  number 
of  individuals  to  be  selected,  or  drafted,  from  Arab 
and  Berrebber  (or  Shilluh)  tribes,  and  also  from 
some  of  the  towns;  whom  he  compelled  to  set- 
tle in  the  new  town.  The  young  colony  was  after- 
wards encouraged  and  enriched  by  the  removal  of 
the  foreign  trade  of  the  empire  from  Santa  Cruz  to 
Mogadore,  which  led  to  the  settlement  of  other  ad- 
venturers there.  The  probability  that  other  towns 
were  peopled  by  a  similar  compulsory  proceeding, 
is  confirmed  by  the  known  repugnance  of  the  Arabs 


APPENDIX.       NO.    II.  191 

to  quit  their  tents  for  houses,  and  by  the  aversion  and 
even  contempt  which  they  feel  for  the  restraints  of  a 
fixed  residence  in  towns. 

These  are  the  component  parts  of  that  mixed  po- 
pulation which  now  inhabits  the  towns  of  Barbary, 
and  which  is  known  to  Europeans  by  the  name  of 
Moors,  In  feature  and  appearance  the  greater  part 
of  them  may  be  traced  to  the  Arab  or  Berrebber 
tribes  from  which  they  are  respectively  derived  ;  for 
marriages  between  individuals  of  different  tribes  are 
generally  considered  discreditable.  Such  marriages 
however  do  occasionally  take  place,  either  in  conse- 
quence of  domestick  troubles,  or  irregularity  gf  con- 
duct in  the  parties  ;  and  they  are  of  course  attended 
with  a  corresponding  mixture  of  feature.  Intermar- 
riages of  the  other  tribes  with  the  Bukharie  are  al- 
most universally  reprobated,  and  are  attributed,  when 
they  occur,  to  interested  motives  on  the  part  of  the 
tribe  which  sanctions  them,  or  to  the  overbearing  in- 
fluence and  power  possessed  by  the  Bukharie.  These 
matches  entail  on  their  offspring  the  Negro  feature 
and  a  mulatto-like  complexion,  but  darker.  In  all 
cases  of  intermarriage  between  different  tribes  or 
classes,  the  woman  is  considered  to  pass  over  to  the 
tribe  of  her  husband. 

Besides  the  Moors,  the  population  of  the  towns 
is  considerably  increased  by  the  Negro  slaves,  who 
are  in  general  prolifick,  and  whose  numbers  are 
continually  increasing  by  fresh  arrivals  from  the 
countries  of  Soudan. 


In  conclusion,  the  following  may  be  stated  as  a 
brief  leading  distinction  between  the  habits  and  cir- 
cumstances of  the  three  great  classes  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Western  Barbary. 

The  Berrebbers,  (including  the  Shilluh)  are  cul- 
tivators of  the  soil  and  breeders  of  cattle ;   they  oc- 


192  APPENDIX.       NO.    If. 

cupy  the  mountainous  districts,  and  reside  in  houses 
or  hovels  built  of  stone  and  timber. 

The  Arabs,  occupying  the  plains,  follow  the 
same  pursuits  as  the  Berrebbers,  and  live  in  tents. 

The  Moors  are  traders,  and  reside  in  the  towns. 

It  will,  perhaps,  be  observed,  that  this  distinction 
will  not  apply  to  the  tribe  described  by  Mr.  Park 
on  the  southern  confines  of  the  Desert,  whom  he 
calls  Moors,  and  distinguishes  by  that  name  from 
the  Arabs  of  the  Desert.  It  is  evidently  quite  im- 
practicable to  assign  precise  denominations  to  the 
many  possible  mixtures  of  races  which  in  process  of 
time  naturally  occur:  but  a  roving  people,  living  in 
tents,  as  these  are  described  to  be,  certainly  cannot 
be  entitled  to  the  appellation  of  Moors.  Neither 
can  the  people  in  question,  whom  Park  describes  to 
have  short  bushy  hair,  be  a  pure  Arab  tribe  ;  though 
their  leader,  Ali,  appears  to  have  been  an  Arab.  But 
by  whatever  name  they  ought  to  be  distinguished,  it 
seems  very  probable  that  they  are  descended  from 
the  ancient  invaders  of  Soudan,  who  having  been 
left  to  garrison  the  conquered  places,  remained  on 
the  southern  borders  of  the  Desert,  after  the  authori- 
ty which  originally  brought  them  there  became  ex- 
tinct ;  and  who  by  occasional  intermarriages  with  the 
Negroes  have  gradually  lost  many  of  the  distinguish- 
ing features  of  their  Arab  ancestors. 

Viewing  the  term  Moor  as  a  translation  or  cor- 
ruption of  the  Latin  word  Mauri,  by  which  the 
Romans  designated  a  particular  nation,  it  is  evident, 
that  it  cannot  with  strict  propriety  be  used  even  in 
the  limited  sense  which  I  have  here  confined  it; 
for,  the  people  who  now  occupy  the  towns  of  Wes- 
tern Barbary,  (with  the  exception,  perhaps,  of  that 
small  portion  of  them  allied  to  the  Berrebber  tribes) 
are  certainly  not  descendants  of  the  ancient  Mauri- 
tanians.     The  name,  as  I  have  said  before,  is  not 


APPENDIX.       NO.    II.  193 

used  amongst  the  people  themselves,  as  the  names  of 
Arab,  Berrebber,  &c.  are :  but  the  class  is  quite  dis- 
tinguished from  the  other  inhabitants  of  Barbary 
by  the  modes  of  life  and  pursuits  of  those  who  com- 
pose it.  And  as  Europeans  in  their  loose  accepta- 
tion of  the  name  Moor,  have  successively  designat- 
ed by  it  all  the  different  races  who  have  from  time 
to  time,  occupied  this  part  of  Africa ;  applying  it 
even  to  the  Arab  invaders  of  Spain,  who  proceeded 
from  hence;  they  may  very  naturally  appropriate  it 
to  those  stationary  residents  of  the  Empire  of  Mo- 
rocco with  whom,  almost  exclusively,  they  carry  on 
any  intercourse.  The  only  distinguishing  term 
which  the  Arabs  occasionly  give  to  the  Moors  is 
that  of  Medainien,  towns'  people ;  which  is  a  depre- 
ciating appellation  in  the  estimation  of  an  Arab.  If 
you  ask  a  Moor;  what  he  calls  himself?  he  will 
naturally  answer  you  that  he  is  a  Mooslim,  or  be- 
liever ; — his  country  ?  Bled  Mooselmin,  the  land  of 
believers.  If  you  press  him  for  further  particulars, 
he  will  then  perhaps  tell  you  the  tribe  to  which  he 
belongs,  or  the  district  or  city  in  which  he  was  born. 
Neither  have  they  a  general  name  for  their  country  ; 
in  other  Mohammedan  states  it  is  distinguished  by 
the  name  of  El  Ghdrb,  the  West  ;  but  the  natives 
themselves  only  apply  this  name  to  a  province  in 
the  northern  part  of  the  Empire  beyond  the  River 
Azamoor. 

The  term  Moor,  therefore,  seems  to  stand,  with 
respect  to  the  people  to  whom  we  apply  it,  exactly 
in  the  same  predicament  as  their  term  Romi  with  re- 
spect to  us ;  which,  having  survived  the  times  when 
the  extended  power  of  the  Romans  rendered  it  not 
an  improper  appellation  for  all  the  inhabitants  of 
Europe,  known  to  the  Mauritanians,  continues,  in  the 
dialects  of  Barbary,  to  be  the  general  name  for  Eu- 
ropeans of  every  nation  at  this  day.         D. 

25 


Adams,  Robert,  Introductory  Details  respecting — accidentally 
met  with  in  London,  ix — brought  to  the  office  of  the   African 
Company,  and  questioned  respecting  his  adventures  in   Afri- 
ca; his  answers  satisfactory,  x-xi — his    method    of  comput- 
ing bearings,  distances,  and  rates  of  travelling  through  the  de- 
serts, xiv — examined    by    several    members    of  government, 
and   others,  xv — receives  a  gratuity   from  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury,  and  departs  for  America,  xv — his  statements  cor- 
roborated by  Mr.   Dupuis,   British  Vice  Consul  at   Mogadore, 
xvii — curious  particulars  relating  to  his  conduct  and    appear- 
ance when  liberated  from  slavery,  xviii — -known   at  Mogadore 
by  the  name  of  Rose — reasons  for  his  changing   his  name  to 
Adams,  xx-xxi. 
Adams,  Robert,  his  Narrative — wrecked  on  the  western   coast 
of  Africa,  31 — carried  from  the  coast  by  a  party  of  Moors  to  a 
Douar  in  the  Desert,  34 — accompanies  a  party  of  Moors  in  an 
expedition  to  Soudenny,  36 — made  prisoner,  with  them,  by  the 
Negroes,  and  carried  to   Tombuctoo,  37-39 — ransomed,   with 
the  Moors,  and  carried  to  Tudenny,  and  thence  to  the  Douar 
of  Woled   D'leim,  58-62 — employment  and  treatment  there, 
63-64 — escapes   with  a  camel  to  Hilla   Gibla  (or  El  Kabla) 
64-5 — becomes   the  slave  of  the  Governour,  has  an  intrigue 
With  one  of  the  Governour's  wives,  and  is  sold,  in  consequence 
to  a   trading   Moor,  66-8 — carried  thence  to  different  Douars 
in  the  Desert,  and   finally  to  Wadinoon,  68-71 — his  employ- 
ment  and  inhuman   treatment  at   that   place — but  at    length 
ransomed  and  carried  to    Mogadore,   74-81 — sent  thence  by 
]VIr.  Dupuis  to  Fez  and  Tangier,  82 — thence  to  Cadiz  by  the 
American  Consul ;  his  stay  there,  82-3— arrives  in  London  in 
the  utmost  distress,  83 — his   reckoning  of  time  and  distances 
corrected,  137-8. 
African  Company,  Committee  of  the,  examine  Adams,  and  re* 

commend  the  Editor  to  compile  his  Narrative,  xii. 
Agadter  Doma,  the  Moorish  name  of  Senegal,  88. 
Andalusie  tribe  of  Moors,  origin  and  description  of  it,  189-190, 


INDEX.  195 

Arabs  of  El  Gagie  described,  85-6— make  prisoners  the  crew 
of  the  "  Charles,"  and  plunder  the  wreck,  31 — quit  the 
coast  with  their  prisoners;  their  mode  of  travelling,  34 — pre- 
datory expedition  to  Soudenny ;  made  prisoners  by  the  Ne- 
groes, and  sent  to  Tombuctoo,  37-9. 

Arabs  of  Barbary,  and  the  Desert,  description  and  character  of, 
186,  etscqq. — their  distinguishing  occupations,  192. 

Arrows,  poisoned,  used  by  the  Negroes,  48,  103-104. 

Ba  Fing  river,  notices  respecting  it,  1 75* 

Ba  Lee  river,  notices  respecting  it,  175. 

Ba  Woolima  river,  notices  respecting  it,  176-177. 

Bammakoo,  too  remote  a  point  on  the  Niger  for  the  destination 

of  European  expeditions,  178. 
Banks,  Sir  Joseph,  examines  Adams,  xv. 
Barbary,  West,  description  of  its  classes  of  inhabitants,  181,  et 

seqq, 
Barrow,  John,  Esq.  examines  Adams,  xv. 
Bathurst,  Earl,  examines  Adams,  xv. 
Barry,  Mr.  of  Teneriffe,  confirms  a  circumstance  in  Adams's 

story,  87. 
Berrebbers,  one  of  the  three  great  classes  of  inhabitants  of  West 

Barbary,  description  and  character  of  them,  181-185. 
Betoo,  or  Badoo,  country  of,  noticed,  168-g. 
Bold  river,  noticed,  176. 
Bukharie  trine  of  Moors,  origin  and  description  of  it,  189. 

Caravans,  seasons  of  travelling  of  those  of  Barbary  which  trade 
to  Tombuctoo,  and  other  parts  of  the  Interiour,  116. 

Cannibals,  110. 

Canoes,  description  of  those  which  navigate  the  La  Mar  Zarah, 
43,  96. 

Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  examines  Adams,  xv. 

"  Charles,"  the,  American  ship,  names  of  her  owner  and  crew, 
50 — wrecked  on  the  western  coast  of  Africa,  31 — statement  of 
the  fate  of  the  crew,  141. 

Christian  captives,  their  inhuman  treatment,  74,  75,  130 — their 
deplorable  condition,  when  rescued  from  the  Arabs,  130 — 
treated  more  cruelly  than  any  other  slaves,  131. 

Cidi  Mohammed  Mousoul,  sanctuary  of,  noticed,  80. 

Cidi  Mahomeda  Moussa,  great  market  held  there  annually,  80, 
134 

Courcoo,  a  singular  animal  described  by  Adams,  47 — his  descrip- 
tion apparently  erroneous,  104. 

D'Anville,  cited,  96,  171. 


196  INDEX. 

Davison,  one  of  the  crew  of  the  "  Charles"  renounces  his 
religion,  77 — escapes  from  Wed-Noon,  and  finally  restored  to 
Christianity,  133. 

Details,  introductory,  respecting  Adams,  ix. 

Dibbie,  Lake,  the  descriptions  of  it  improbable,  160. 

Dolbie,  the  mate  of  the  "  Charles,"  falls  sick  at  Wed-Noon,  and 
put  to  death  by  his  master,  77,  129. 

Douar,  its  meaning,  85. 

Dupuis,  Mr.,  British  Vice  Consul  at  Mogadore,  letter  from  him  to 
the  Editor,  corroborating  Adams's  statements,  and  containing 
some  curious  particulars  relating  to  his  ransom,  and  appear- 
ance and  conduct  on  his  arrival  at  Mogadore,  vii-xxii — 
his  notes  and  observations  on  Adams's  Narrative,  85,  et  seqq. 
— his  account  of  the  different  classes  of  the  inhabitants  of 
"West  Barbary,  181,  et  seqq. 

El  Gazie,  Moors  of,  make  prisoners  the  crew  of  the  "  Charles," 
31 — description  of  that  Douar,  85. 

El  Kabla  (see  Hilla  Gibla.) 

Elephants,  mode  of  hunting  them  by  the  people  of  Tombuctoo, 
45-6 — great  numbers  of  their  teeth  brought  into  Barbary,  100 — 
observations  on  Adams's  account  of  the  elephant,  101-2. 

Erriji,  a  tribe  of  Berrebbers,  described,  182. 

Faleme  river,  notices  respecting  it,  1 75. 

Fatima,  queen  of  Tombuctoo,  her  dress,  40-41 — her  name  no 
proof  of  her  being  a  Moorish,  or  Mohammedan  woman,  91. 

French  renegade  at  El  Gazie,  his  story,  32 — manufactures  gun- 
powder at  Wed-Noon,  73. 

Furkomah  river,  noticed,  176. 

Gambia  river,  its  course  not  so  long  nor  so  far  south,  as  laid 
down  on  the  Maps,  1 74. 

Genne  (or  Jinnie)  its  trade  with  Tombuctoo,  167. 

Gollo  (or  Quallo,)  account  of  a  Negro  nation  of  that  name,  111. 

Gordon,  Major-General  Sir  Willoughby,  examines  Adams,  hi* 
opinion  of  his  story,  xv-xvi. 

Goulburn,  Henry,  Esq.  examines  Adams,  xv. 

Gonvina,  rock  of,  the  Niger  navigable  westward  nearly  to  that 
point,  171. 

Guns,  double-barrelled,  in  common  use  among  the  Arabs  of  the 
Desert,  94. 

Gunpowder,  manufactured  at  Wed-Noon  by  a  French  rene- 
gade, 73. 

Haoussa,  merchants  from  that  country  frequent  Lagos,  in  the 
Bight  of  Benin ;  information  obtained  from  them  respecting 


INDEX.  197 

the  nature  of  the  country  through  which  they  travel,  xxvi- 

xxvii. 
Heirie,  a  species  of  camel,  of  great  swiftness,  45 — the    same 

animal  as  that  described  by  Leo   Africanus  under  the  name 

ragnahil;  and  by  Pennant  under  that  of  raguahl,  99. 
Hieta  Mouessa  Alt  (Aiata  Mouessa  Ali,)  a  large  Douar  in  the 
Desert,  visited  by  Adams,  70. 
Harrison,  George,  Esq.  examines  Adams,  xv. 
Hilla  Gibla,  (or  El  Kabla,)  a  Douar  in  the  Desert,  described,  66. 
— some  account  of  the  Arab  tribe  of  that  place,  121. 
Horses,  none  at  Tombuctoo,  99. 
Horton,  John,  master  of  the  "  Charles,"  his  death  among  the 

Moors,  33,  87. 

Jinnie,  its  distance  and    bearing  from  Tombuctoo,   97.     (See 

Gennt.) 
Joos,  (Yos  or  Yadoos  (Ayos)  of  D'Anville's  Maps,)  a  powerful 

Negro  nation,  xxvii. 
Isha,  the  wife  of  the  Governour  of  Hilla  Gibla,  intrigues  with 
Adams,  67-8. 

Kancaba  (Kaniaba  of  Rennell's  Maps,)  an  extensive  slave  mar- 
ket on  the  Niger,  172. 

Kanno,  curious  relation  made  to  Adams  by  a  female  slave  from 
that  place,  74. 

Kashna,  notice  respecting  the  distance  between  that  place  and 
Houssa,  in  Major  Rennell's  Maps,  127. 

Kong  mountains,  their  general  direction,  1 78. 

Lahatnar  river,  mentioned  by  Marmol,  as  a  branch  of  the  Niger, 
96. 

La  Mar  Zarah,  name  of  the  river  on  which  Tombuctoo  stands ; 
its  size,  navigation,  and  course,  43 — conjectures  respecting 
it,  95-6 — probably  a  branch  of  the  Niger,  164. 

Lagos,  in  the  Bight  of  Benin,  probability  of  Europeans  being 
able  to  proceed  thence  in  the  direction  of  the  Niger,  xxyi. 

Lake  Dibbie,     (See  Dibbie.) 

Lakes  of  considerable  extent  intersect  the  countries  between 
Haoussa  and  the  coast  of  the  Bight  of  Benin,  xxvi. 

Leo  Africanus,  his  account  of  Tombuctoo  noticed,  156 — re- 
marks on  the  discordances  in  the  different  versions  of  his 
book,  158-9;  162-3. 

Lords  of  the  Treasury,  order  Adams  a  handsome  gratuity,  xv. 

Matins,  a  Mandingo  nation,  noticed,  169. 

Map,  explanations  respecting  the  construction  of  that  which  ac- 
companies   the    Narrative,  xxiv-v — errours   noticed  in   the 


198  INDEX. 

construction  of  that  prefixed  to  the  account  of  Park's  Last 
Mission,  175-6  7. 

Marmol,  cited,  96. 

Mauri  of  the  Romans,  the  origin  of  the  term  Moors,  192. 

Mcdainien,  the  Arab  term  for  Moors,  193. 

Mogadore,  how  first  peopled,  190.  • 

"  Montezuma,"  the,  from  Liverpool,  wrecked  on  the  coast  of 
Wadinoon;  fate  of  her  crew,  73,  126. 

Moors,  their  predatory  incursions  in  the  Negro  countries  fre- 
quent, 89.     (See  Arabs.) 

Moors,  classes  of,  their  origin  and  character,  189,  et  seqq. — 
their  distinguishing  occupations,  191 — origin  of  the  term, 
192. 

Negro  slave,  curious  history  of  one,  110-111. 

Negro  slaves,  a  great  source  of  population  in  the  towns  of  Bar- 
bary,  191. 

Negroes,  description  of  those  of  Soudenny  and  Tombuctoo,  37- 
38;  48,  52;  106,  109 — theii  accounts  of  the  interiourof  Afri- 
ca to  be  received  with  caution,  153 — characteristicks  of  those 
of  Soudan,  165. 

Niger  river,  remarks  respecting  it,  162-164 — account  of  its 
trade  and  navigation  in  1 764,  1 67,  et  seqq. — its  falls  at  Sootasoo, 
168 — supposed  to  be  navigable  much  further  westward  than 
represented  in  the  maps,  167 — its  magnitude  at  Bammakoo 
not  reconcileable  with  the  distance  of  that  place  from  its 
source,  as  given  in  the  Maps,  173 — conjectures  respecting 
its  sources,  178-9 — expediency  and  practicability  of  exploring 
its  remotest  western  navigation,  179. 

Park,  Mr.,  observations  on  some  parts  of  his  account  of  his  se- 
cond mission,  127 — remarks  on  some  passages  in  his  account 
of  his  first  mission,  148-153  ;   172-179. 

Peddie,  Major,  the  examination  of  Adams  undertaken  in  the 
hope  of  its  result  proving  of  use  to  that  officer  in  his  expedi- 
tion to  Africa,  xx. 

Poisonous  preparation  of  the  Negroes  in  which  they  dip  their  ar- 
rows, 48,  103. 

Quarterly  Review  cited,  xxviii. 

Rapids  in  the  Niger  at  Bammakoo,  conjectures  respecting  them, 
172. 

Remarks  on  Adams's  Narrative,  167,  et  seqq.— on  various  passa- 
gesinMr.  Park's  Travels,  128,  148-153;   172-179. 

Reuegade,  French,  at  El  Gazie  and  Wed-Noon,  32,  87. 

Rennell,  Major,  notice  respecting  his  estimate  of  distance  be- 
tween Kashna  and  Houssa,  127 — his  correction  of  an  erroiu 


INDEX.  199 

in  Leo  Africanus,  164 — appears  to  have  obtained  more 
extensive  geographical  details  from  Mr.  Park,  than  what 
are  given  in  his  Travels,  172 — probable  errour  in  his  Maps, 
respecting  the  sources  of  the  Senegal,  176. 

Rivers,  notices  respecting  those  mentioned  by  Mr.  Park  in  his 
Travels,  175-7. 

Romi,  the  term  in  Barbary  for  Europeans  in  general,  1 93. 

Rose,  Benjamin,  xxi.    (See  Adams.) 

Senegal,  information  obtained  by  the  Governour  of  that  settle- 
ment, in  1764,  respecting  Tombuctoo,  and  the  navigation  of 
the  Niger,  1 67,  et  seqq. 

Senegal  river,  probable  errour  respecting  its  sources,  1 73-7. 

Shilluh,  tribe  of,  134 — described,  183 — singular  instance  of  their 
implacable  hatred,  and  revengeful  spirit,  184.  (See  Berrebbers.) 

Shipwrecks,  why  frequent  on  the  western  Coast  of  Africa,  85 
— proceedings  of  the  Moors  when  they  happen  there,  86 — 
usual  fate  of  the  crews  of  the  ships,  87. 

Simpson,  Mr.,  Consul  General  of  the  United  States  at  Tangier, 
Adams's  history  communicated  to  him  by  Mr.  Dupuis,  xx. 

Soosos  of  D'Anville,  noticed,  171. 

Sootasoo,  falls  of,  on  the  Niger,  168— probably  the  rapids  mention- 
ed by  Mr.  Park,  in  his  "  Second  Mission,"  171. 

Soudenny,  route  thither  across  the  Desert,  36 — description  of  its 
inhabitants,  37 — rout  thence  to  Tombuctoo,  38 — probable 
situation,  89-90. 

Stevens,  a  Portuguese ;  accompanies  Adams  in  an  expedition  with 
the  Moors,  35-6. 

Sucrra,  the  Moorish  name  of  Mogadore  35. 

Tavdeny,  (or  Tudenny)  a  Moorish  and  Negro  village,  on  the 
borders  of  the  Desert,  60 — account  of  the  salt  pits  there,  60 
— its  trade  in  that  article,  1 19 

Tombuctoo,  or  Timbuctoo,  its  situation  and  extent,  43 — ani- 
mal, vegetable,  and  mineral  productions  of  the  surrounding 
country,  43-6 — observations  on  Adams's  description  of  these, 
96-7 — dress,  manners  and  customs  of  the  natives,  48-52; 
106,109 — musical  instruments,  52 — population  of  Tombuctoo, 
53 — slaves,  54 — articles  of  commerce,  55,  112 — climate,  56 
— list  of  native  words,  57 — information  respecting  Tombuc- 
too, by  Mr.  Dupuis,  91-4,  et  seqq. — its  trade  with  Barbary  de- 
clined of  late  years,  112-13;  158 — occupied  at  an  early  period 
by  the  troops  of  the  Emperours  of  Morocco,  154 — conjec- 
tures respecting  the  stream  on  which  Adams  describes  it  to 
stand,  161,  164— information  respecting  its  trade  in  1764,  167, 


200  INDEX. 

Wadinoon  (or  Wed-Noori)  described,  72 — cruel  treatment  of  the 
Christian  slaves  at  that  place,  74-5 ;  130 — singular  instance 
of  bigotry  and  self-interest  in  regard  to  an  English  captive 
there,  132. 

Wed-Noon.    (See  Wadinoon.) 

White  men,  curious  relation  respecting  some  seen  at  a  place 
called  Kamio,  74. 

Williams,  one  of  the  crew  of  the  "  Charles,"  renounces  his  re- 
ligion, 77 — escapes  from  Wed-Noon  and  finally  restored  to 
Christianity,  133. 

WoollO)  King  of  Tombuctoo,  treats  Adams  kindly,  40 — his 
dress,  40 — conjectures  respecting  him,  91. 

Vied  Diileim,  (or  Woled  DHcim)  a  Douar  in  the  Desert,  account  of 
it,  62 — description  of  the  Arabs  of  that  place,  119. 

Villa  de  Bousbach,  (or  Woled  Aboussebah)  a  Douar  of  that  name 
in  the  Desert,  68 — account  of  this  tribe  of  Arabs,  122-3. 

Villa  Adrialla,  (Woled  Adrialla)  another  Douar,  69. 

Yea,  (or  Issa)  the  name  given  to  the  Niger  by  Marmol,  and 
adopted  by  D'Anville,  96. 

Zaire  river,  xxviii. 


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Children,  like  tender  Oziers  take  the  Bow, 
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Extract  from  the  Edinburgh  Review,  No.  XXV,  for  June— Oct.  1815. 

"For  the  purpose  oi  bringing  under  the  consiuerai ton  of  our  reaciei>  an  interesting  portion  of 
recent  history,  we  have  selected  the  present  performance,  which  contains  an  account  of  the  inya- 
lioti  of  Spain  by  the  French  armies,  and  a  general  view  of  the  causes,  which,  notwithstanding 
a  continued  series  of  reverses,  still  gave  energy  to  the  Spanish  cause.  The  author,  M.  de  Rncca, 
had  a  command  in  a  regiment  of  French  hussars,  and  a  place  in  the  Legion  of  Honour.  He  enter- 
ed Spain  in  the  year  1803,  along  with  the  troops  sent  to  reinforce  the  French  armies,  which  wero 
at  that:time  encamped  on  the  Kbro,  under  the  command  of  Joseph  ;  and,  except  during  a  short 
interval  in  the  year  1809,  when  he  was  sent  against  tiie  English  at  Walcheren,  he  continued  in 
Spain  until  the  summer  of  1810,  when  he  was  severely  wounded  in  an  encounter  with  a  party  of 
Spanish  guerrillas.  He  relates  chiefly  what  tame  under  his  own  personal  notice,  and,  as  he  seems 
to  be  an  acute  and  discriminating  observer,  his  remarks,  which  are  always  lively,  are  frequently 
judicious  and  striking.  In  his  account  of  the  campaign,  he  certainly  maintains  a  tone  of  great 
impartiality  praising  or  blaming  indifferently  the  plans  and  movements  of  the  contending  armies, 
while  his  narrative  of  military  events  is  enlivened  with  some  interesting  sketches  of  Spanish  man- 
ners, and  with  an  amusing  account  of  his  own  personal  adventures. 

"The  work  concludes  with  a  very  brief  and  perspicuous  account  of  the  campaign  in  Portugal, 
which  took  place  after  our  author  had  quitted  Spain,  and  which  he  justly  terms  the  chef 
d'oeuvre  of  a  defence  at  once  national  and  military  " 

From  the  Monthly  Review. 

"  "We  have  made  large  extracts  from  tins  puolieation,  under  a  persuasion  of  the  accuracy  and 
fidelity  of  the  writer." 

POETICAL  CHRONOLOGY  of  ANCIENT  and  ENGLISH 
HISTORY,  with  Historical  and  Explanatory  Notes.  By  ROBERT  VAL- 
PY,  D.D.  F.A.S.     With  additions  and  improvements. 

Non  in  notiti3  vel  rerum,  vel  temporum,  satis  opera?  insumitur... tacit,  dial,  de  orato.  xxxix. 
To  which  is  added,  AMERICAN  CHRONOLOGY,  from  the  discovery 
by   Columbus  to  the    establishment  of  the   Federal  Constitution.     Price 
62  1-2  cents  bound. 

PREFACE. 

The  necessity  of  an  early  acquaintance  with  History  has  been  always  acknowledged.  It  is 
generally  confessed,  that  without  a  proportionate  knowledge  of  Geography  and  Chronology,  Histo- 
ry cannot  make  a  lasting  impression  on  the  memory.  The  satisfaction  of  beholding  the  face  of  the 
earth,  of  tracing  the  march  of  an  army,  the  progress  of  an  empire,  or  even  the  tour  of  a  traveller, 
insensibly  leads  the  inquisitive  minds  of  youth  to  a  competent  knowledge  of  Geography.  Less 
attractive  is  the  study  of  Chronology.  A  list  of  dates  is  far  from  leaving  that  agreeable  impression 
on  the  memory,  which  is  the  result  of  the  attractive  survey  of  a  map  or  chart.  What  is  indis- 
tinctly remembered,  ceases  to  engage  delight  j  and  what  is  no  longer  interesting,  is  soon  totally 
forgotten. 

Those  who  rank  History  among  the  principal  branches  of  a  classical  education,  have  long  been 
sensible  of  this  difficulty.  Various  plaus  have  been  proposed,  and  systems  adopted,  io  order  to, 
clear  the  path  of  Chronology  of  its  intricacies  and  impediments. — Of  these  plans,  the  most  successful, 
was  that  of  Dr.  Valpy,  who  has  done  much  to  smooth  xhe  difficulties  in  the  attainment  of  classi- 
cal learning.  He  conceived,  that  if  the  knowledge  of  dates,  which  is  happily  connected  with  that  of 
facts,  could  be  reduced  to  a  poetical  form,  in  a  series  of  English  verses,  which  might  be  easily  learnt 
on  account  of  their  simplicity,  and  remembered  without  disgust,  a  benefit  of  some  importance 
would  be  conferred  on  the  rising  age.  He  found  his  path  fortunately  traced,  and  his  labour  con- 
siderably diminished,  by  a  work  of  the  celebrated  Lowth,  Bishop  of  Loudon.  Upon  this  ground- 
work he  proceeded,  and  gave  the  publick  a  small  volume,  which  passed  through  seven  editions  in  a 
short  time 

The  present  is  an  attempt  to  enlarge  and  extend  the  usefulness  of  Dr.  Valpy's  Chronology.  Seve 
ral  additional  articles  are  given  in  the  reign  of  George  III,  including  th^  most  important  events  to 
the  year  1815:— and  an  entire  series  is  added,  of  American  Chronology,  from  the  discovery  of 
Columbus,  to  the  establishment  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 

It  is  obvious,  that  great  and  leading  events  only  could  be  noticed  in  a  work  of  this  nature,  whose 
object  is  to  assist,  and  not  to  overload  the  memory. 

The  editors  hope  that  the  additional  stanzas  wttl  be  found  not  inferiour  to  those  of  the  original 
in  comprehensiveness  or  harmony  of  diction  and  will  be  gratified  if  they  can  furnish  to  our  school*. 
and  academies  a  cheap  book,  on  a  neglected  branch  of  education,  in  any  degree  calculated  to  open  the; 
understanding  of  the  young,  and  enlarge  the  stock  of  useful  knowledge. 


6 


FEMALE  SCRIPTURE  CHARACTERS  ;  exemplifying 
FEMALE  VIRTUES.  By  the  Author  of  the  "  Beneficial  effects  of  the  Christian 
Temper  on  Doraestick  Happiness."  From  the  third  London  Edition.  Price  $  I 
12  1-2  cents. 

This  book  contains  the  Lives  of  Eve.. ..Sarah. ...Rebekah.... Thermusis,  Pharaoh's  Daughter...' 

Ruth  ....Hannah Queen  of  Sheba.... Jezebel. ...Esther.. ..Judith Susannah.. ..The  Mother,  and 

her  seven  Sons.. ..The  Virgin  Mary.. ..Elizabeth  and  Anne.. ..Martha  and  Mary.. ..Dorcas. 

JANE  OF  FRANCE,  an  Historical  Novel.  By  MADAME 
I)E  GENLIS.    Translated  from  the  French.  In  two  Volumes.     Price  $1  boards. 

"  This  tale  is,  perhaps,  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  instructive  of  the  kind  that 
has  ever  been  written.*1 — Lit.  Reg. 

Extract  from  the  Preface. 

This  Historical  Romance  presents  a  picture,  which  has  never  before  been  offered  to  the  publick 
eye.  In  pourtraying  a  heroine  disgraced  by  nature,  and  describing  the  afflictions  attendant  on 
a  legitimate  but  hopeless  attachment,  a  passion  which  even  virtue  itself  could  not  overpower 
—  it  has  been  my  object  to  oppose  moral  and  physical  beauty. 

There  is  something  ideal  in  physical  beauty,  because  it  cannot  be  quite  perfect  without  an 
assemblage  of  a  host  of  circumstances,  which  it  is  impossible  to  find  united  in  one  object.  The  most 
lovely  creature  will  always  have  some  little  defect,  either  in  countenance  or  person.  But  there  is 
nothing  ideal  in  moral  beauty.  It  is  not  necessary  that  a  thousand  things  should  combine  to  com- 
plete it,  for  truly  enlightened  piety  alone  has  often  produced  it.  What  imagination  will  ever  be 
able,  in  the  best  work  of  fiction,  to  create  characters  more  perfect  than  those  of  Saint  Louis  and 
Vincent  de  Paule  p  How  can  actions  be  invented,  more  heroically  affecting  than  those  which 
have  immortalized  their  memory  ? 

The  heroes  of  this  work  are  not  saints.  I  have  not  disguised  the  weakness  of  Louis,  but  have 
presented  him,  as  well  as  Jane,  in  the  light  that  History  displays  them.  I  have,  however,  at 
tempted  to  describe  the  goodness  of  heart,  the  greatness  of  soul,  and  the  perfection  of  senti- 
ment, which  characterized  the  latter. 

1  trust  that  the  reader,  who  possesses  generous  feelings,  will  like  the  subject  of  this  romance, 
which  at  least  resembles  no  other.  It  has  already  obtained  the  approbation  of  several  persons 
who  have  perused  it  in  manuscript,  and  whose  good  opinion  I  most  highly  value.  1  produce 
it,  therefore,  under  happy  auspices,  for  even  before  its  appearance,  it  has  procured  me  a  degree 
of  satisfaction,  which  is  a  thousand  times  preferable  to  any  that  the  vanity  of  an  author  can  desire. 

ESSAYS  IN  RHYME,  ON  MORALS  AND  MANNERS. 
By  JANE  TAYLOR,  Author  of  •  Display  ;  a  Tale.'  And  one  of  the  Authors  of 
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INFLUENCE  OF  LITERATURE  upon  SOCIETY.  Trans- 
lated  from  the  French  of  MADAME  DE  STAEL-HOLSTEIN.  To  which  is  pre- 
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AN  APPEAL  to  the   Serious  and  Candid   PROFESSORS   of 

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II.  The  Power  of  Man  to  do  the  Will  of  God. 

III.  Original  Sin. 

IV.  Election  and  Reprobation. 

V.  The  Divinity  of  Christ.     And, 

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To  us  there  is  one  God,  the  father  ,*  and  one  Mediator,  the  man  christ  jesus. 

1  Cor.  viii.  6.—1  Tim.  ii.  5. 


7 


A  LETTER  OF  ADVICE  TO  HIS  GRANDCHILDREN, 

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CONTENTS. 

Introduction. — Chapters  :  1  Danger  of  the  Times  in  relation  to  Religion — 2 
Dangers  incident  to  your  Age — 3  Dangers  that  arise  to  you  from  your  Condition 
and  Relations — 4  Dangers  that  may  arise  from  your  Constitution  and  Complexion 
— 5  Religion  in  general — 6  The  Christian  Religion — 7  Directions  concerning 
Prayer — 8  Reading  of  the  Scriptures,  &c. — 9  Observation  of  the  Lord's  Day — 16 
Ordinary  religious  Conversation- — 11  On  the  Sacrament — 12  Moral  and  civil  Con- 
versations and  Actions — 13  Moderation  of  the  Passions — 14  Idleness  and  Employ- 
ment— 15  Ordinary  Employments — 16  Employment  of  young  gentlewomen — 17 
Company,  and  the  Choice  of  it — 18  Recreations — 19  Eating,  Drinking,  and  Sleep- 
ing— 20  Apparel  and  Habit — 21  Carriage  to  your  Inferiours,  Superiours,  and  Equals 
— 22  SingleiLife  and  Marriage. 

WAVERLY,  OR,  'TIS  SIXTY  YEARS  SINCE  In  2  vols. 
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QUARRELS  OF  AUTHORS  ;  or,  some  Memoirs  for  our  lite- 
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TALES   OF  FANCY.     By   S.    H.   BURNEY.     Author  of 

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li 


8 

PARTS  REVISITED  in  1815,  by  way  of  Brussels  :  including;  a 
walk  over  the  Field  of  Battle  at  Waterloo.  By  JOHN  SCOTT,  Author  of  a 
visit  to  Paris  in  1814;  and  Editor  of  the  Champion,  a  London  weekly  Journal. 

Price  $1  boards. 

Extract  from  the  Work. 

"  The  political  institutions  of  society  are,  at  least,  as  far  from  having  reached  perfection,  as 
the  arts  and  sciences  ;  and  if  change  and  experiment  are  not  so  practicable  in  the  former  as  ia 
the  latter,  yet,  in  proportion  as  it  is  mischievous  to  tamper  with  them  hut  when  the  occasion  is 
clear,  the'opportunity  striking,  and  the  call  urgent,  it  is  dangerous  and  guilty  to  withstand  those 
great"  invitations  which  at  intervals  summon  mankind  to  improve  their  coudition.  It  would  be 
stupidly  base  to  set  down  all  those  disturbances  that  have  of  late  years  agitated  Europe,  to  a  wilful 
and  unfounded  temper  of  popular  insubordination;  the  convulsion  can  only  fairly  be  considered 
as  a  natural  working,  accompanied  with  painful  arid  diseased  symptoms,  but  occasioned  by  the 
growth  of  men's  minds  beyond  the  institutions  that  had  their  origin  in  a  very  inferiour  state  of 
information.  Nor  should  England  consider  herself  out  of  the  need  of  advancing  herself  further,  . 
because  she  is  already  advanced  beyond  her  neighbours  ;  on  the  contrary,  her  sti  ;ngth  and  wis- 
dom lies  in  maintaining  her  wouted  prerogative  of  being  the  first  to  move  forward  1  a  safe  road, 
of  first  catching  the  briglu  prospect  of  further  attainments,  and  securing  for  herse  '.  in  the  inde- 
pendence and  fortitude  of  her  judgment,  what  others  tardily  copy  from  her  prac*  e.  The  vigo- 
rous habits  of  action  and  thought  which  her  rulers  have  found  so  valuable  in  the  e  struggle  lor, 
national  fame  and  pre-eminence,  are  only  to  be  preserved,  as  they  were  engeudeied,— namely,— 
by  admitting  popular  opinion  to  busy  itself  with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  country,  to  exercise 
itself  freely  on  the  character  of  its  political  establishments,  to  grapple  on  even  ground  with 
professional  and  official  prejudices  and  pre-possessions,  and  finally,  to  knock  every  thing  down 
that  does  not  stand  firm  in  its  own  moral  strength.  This  is  England's  duty  to  herself  j  and,  to 
the  world  at  large,  she  owes  an  equally  sacred  one ;  viz.  so  to  regulate  the  application  of  ner 
influence  and  power,  that  it  shall  oppose  no  tendency  to  good ;  that  it  shall  never  be  available 
io  evil  and  bigoted  designs  masking  themselves  under  canting  professions  j  but  ju  tify  those  loud  I 
and  confident  calls  which  she  has  every  where  addressed  to  generous  hearts  and  fin  ;  spirits." 

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His  virtues  forni'd  the  inagick  of  his  song.— Co7vperys  Epitaph. 

JUST  PUBLISHED, 
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THE  NABRATIVEOF  ROBERT  ADAMS,  AN  AMERI- 
CAN SAILOR,  who  was  wrecked  on  the  western  coast  of  AFRICA,  in  the  year 
1810,  was  detained  three  years  in  Slavery  by  the  Arabs  of  the  Great  Desert,  and 
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IN  PRESS, 
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PHYSICAL,  ETHICAL,  AND  POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY,  ince  the  revival 
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ciety held  at  Philadelphia ;  formerly  professor  of  Moral  Philosophy  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Edinburgh. 

A  VOLUME  OF  POEMS.    By  HANNAH  MORE. 


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